The article deals with the evolution of constructivist paradigm of international relations. The issue is of utmost importance in terms of the search for theoretical alternatives in the IR thinking. First, we are giving basic introduction of constructivism on the basis of historical and hermeneutical approaches. There is no doubt that the paradigm has faced different theoretical challenges and a lot of critics which has to be addressed. The authors reconsider some constructivist theories and notions in Alexander Wendt’s works and the way Wendt tried to reinforce and reassure the constructivist paradigm.
This article analyzes the relationship of social aspects of the Internet net-work and security issues in Russia. It shows that the modern realities acquire Globo network character that ambivalent impact on the development of civilization and social interactions. On the one hand, social networks offer new opportunities for interaction between people living in different countries, on the other hand - they can be used for exclusion policy at the global level that is objectively produces new risks and vulnerabilities. Give special consideration to mock the reality of global risk in social networks, which in response may provoke military-political conflicts and even wars.
The article discusses some implications of the Brexit referendum for institutional and political development of the European Union and for relations between the EU and the UK. The most obvious consequence of the referendum is the collapse of ideology of continuous and progressing development of integration. Instead of endless, irreversible, a priori beneficial for everyone integration process, the European Union has become an organization that does not have a Messianic goal and obliged to prove its usefulness in everyday life. EU systemic crisis will inevitably lead to a profound transformation of its institutional and political structure. After the British referendum, only two options are possible. First of all, partial deconstruction of the European Union.
The article analyses the influence of Eurosceptic sentiments on the level of solidarity among European Union member states. At the outset of the integration project construction the advantage of the Old Continent unification after being destroyed by the Second World War was apparent. However, with the European Union transformation and the emergence of new challenges, Eurosceptic voices are becoming louder and an increasing number of states start to question the efficiency of supranational institutions and choose to take measures on their own. The main trigger of the rise of Euroscepticism in the new millennium was the financial crisis with austerity measures and citizens’ frustration with their low standard of living following.
The article is devoted to one of the measures of administrative influence on the publishers of periodicals in the form of a ban on the retail sale of newspapers and magazines in the imperial Russia and France. The author argues that this policy was introduced in Russia due to adoption of foreign experience of direct and indirect censorship, especially the French experience. So, the article seeks to access the difference between the original approach of the French empire and the Russian version of the policy. Also the article bridges the gap between the current Russian historiography and the existing archive materials with help of discourse analysis and comparative method.
The present article studies the issue of the interrelation between the senior UN official – the Secretary-General and the main UN body – the Security Council. The nature of the Secretary-General role is ambiguous since the very creation of the UN. On one hand, the Secretary-General leads the Secretariat – the body that carries out technical and subsidiary functions in relation to other UN Main Bodies. This is the way the Secretary-General position was initially viewed by the UN authors. On the other hand, the UN Charter contains certain provisions that, with a certain representation, give the Secretary-General vigorous powers, including political ones.
The article is devoted to the neo-institutional approach as a methodological basis in the study of electronic government. In this article substantiates the choice of neo-institutional approach to the study of the processes of implementation of information and communication technologies in the activity of state institutions, analyzes the differences of neoinstitutionalism from traditional institutional approach, considers the features of the different directions of neo-institutionalism, namely sociological, historical and rational choice theory. Attention is paid to the reasons for the renewed interest in political institutions in political science.
The article deals with the problem of the emergence of concept of "information sovereignty" in Russia, the prospects for its practical and theoretical introduction to the scientific revolution. The problem of "information sovereignty" in the normative documents of Russia, China and other Countries is examined. The focus of the article, first time in the domestic and foreign historiography, the technical aspects of independence in the field of digital technologies is analyzed. In this connection, the most important components of digital sovereignty is analyzed, technically ensuring national security.
The article discusses the history of the creation and development of the overall concept of information security, the current state of the information security, as well as the appropriate legal and regulatory framework in the countries of Central Asia on the example of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Introductory part of the article analyzes and provides a brief overview of the development of information and communication technologies. Particular attention is given to information security concepts in the framework of international valuation standards. The author investigates and lists the main sources of global information security threats, as well as explaining the history of the creation of a geopolitical term - Central Asia.
The conflict in the South-East of Ukraine has acquired a protracted nature, what is significantly affected by three main factors. 1) The main actors of the conflict (Ukraine, DPR/LPR, Russia, USA, OSCE) have in principle different opinions about its resolution/escalation. Secondly, despite the recognition of the DPR/LPR territory belonging de jure to Ukraine by majority of actors, the basic document "Minsk-2" uses by the discursive, but not a real support of the actors. Third, Ukraine does not have a consolidated position in the national community and elites concerning the Donbass.