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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">mgimoreview</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник МГИМО-Университета</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>MGIMO Review of International Relations</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2071-8160</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9099</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO Universty Press</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-129-146</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">mgimoreview-1276</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИЕ СТАТЬИ. Новые технологии и невоенные ресурсы политического влияния</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>RESEARCH ARTICLES. New Technologies and Nonviolent Means of Influence in International Relations</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Влияние санкций ООН и США на политическую элиту Ирака</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>The Impact of U.S. and UN Sanctions on Iraqi Political Elite</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Мамедов</surname><given-names>Р. Ш.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Mamedov</surname><given-names>R. Sh.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Руслан Шакирович Мамедов – программный координатор Российского совета по международным делам (РСМД)</p><p>119049, Москва, 4-й Добрынинский переулок, д. 8</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Ruslan Sh. Mamedov – Program Coordinator</p><p>4th Dobryninsky lane, 8, Moscow, Russian Federation, 119049</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">rmamedov@russiancouncil.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Морозов</surname><given-names>В. А.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Morozov</surname><given-names>V. A.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Владимир Анатольевич Морозов – программный менеджер Российского совета по международным делам (РСМД)</p><p>119049, Москва, 4-й Добрынинский переулок, д. 8</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Vladimir A. Morozov – Program Manager</p><p>4th Dobryninsky lane, 8, Moscow, Russian Federation, 119049</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">vmorozov@russiancouncil.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Российский совет по международным делам (РСМД)</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC)</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2020</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>03</day><month>03</month><year>2020</year></pub-date><volume>13</volume><issue>1</issue><fpage>129</fpage><lpage>146</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Мамедов Р.Ш., Морозов В.А., 2020</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2020</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Мамедов Р.Ш., Морозов В.А.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Mamedov R.S., Morozov V.A.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/1276">https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/1276</self-uri><abstract><p>Проблема эффективности санкций в качестве инструмента смены политического режима в стране-объекте санкционного давления является одним из ключевых вопросов для исследователей, занимающихся темой санкций как инструмента внешней политики. Опыт санкций США и ООН в отношении Ирака в этом случае является наиболее наглядным примером, с одной стороны, успешности ограничительных мер в деле сокращения возможностей для страны проводить нежелательный внешнеполитический курс, а с другой – провала попыток добиться смены режима путём введения санкций при одновременном ухудшении социальной и экономической ситуации в стране. В статье рассматривается динамика ограничительных мер в отношении Ирака времён правления С. Хусейна, вопросы адаптации как правящего режима, так и санкционной политики ООН в 1990-х гг. Для этого были проанализированы основные источники ООН по санкциям против страны, а также эволюция основных характеристик политического режима Ирака в 1990-2003 гг. на основе распределения основных государственных постов среди ключевых групп влияния. Показано, что внешние ограничительные меры, направленные не столько на изменение поведения, сколько на смену политического режима, не достигли своих результатов. Несмотря на стабильное ухудшение социальных и экономических условий и неблагоприятную внешнюю конъюнктуру, режим С. Хусейна продемонстрировал серьёзный запас прочности благодаря использованию противоречий в этнически и конфессионально сложном обществе, относительно эффективному перераспределению ограниченных ресурсов в пользу основных групп влияния, а также благодаря возможности применять репрессии в отношении несогласных. В этих условиях даже наличие внутриэлитных конфликтов служило укреплению режима, нежели ослабляло его. Другим важным фактором стала сама политика внешнего давления на элиту и страну в целом. Жёсткость ограничительных мер частично нивелировалась наличием таких программ как «Нефть в обмен на продовольствие», что в условиях слабой проработанности самих программ, а также коррупционных схем с участием её исполнителей приводило к снижению давления на режим, и, следственно, – эффективности санкций. Тем самым показано, что политика санкций против Ирака является примером неудачного их применения в целях изменения политического режима.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The problem of sanctions effectiveness as a means of a regime change is one of the key issues for researchers in the field of sanctions policy. The case of U.S. and UN sanctions against Iraq is one of the most vivid examples of how sanctions can be effective in terms of limiting the undesirable international behavior of a country, while failing to instigate a regime change and severely hampering the social and economic conditions for general population. The article discusses the dynamics of restrictive measures against Iraq during Saddam Hussein regime, the problems of regimes adaptation to international sanctions as well as the evolution of U.S. and UN sanctions against the country. For this purpose the authors reviewed the key UN sanctions documents, as well as the evolution of the main aspects of Iraqi political regime with regards to the power distribution between different groups. The research shows that sanctions aimed at regime change failed to fulfill this task. Despite constantly degrading social and economic conditions, the Saddam Hussein regime demonstrated considerable resilience. This can be attributed primarily to the use of contradictions of complex tribal and religious composition of the country, as well as to oppression and a relatively effective re-distribution of the scarce resources between different power groups. Under these conditions, even the presence of intra-elite conflicts strengthened the regime, rather than weaken it. Another important factor was the very policy of external pressure on the elite and the country as a whole. The severity of restrictive measures was partially offset by the presence of programs such as “Oil-for-Food”, which, given the poor development of the programs themselves, as well as corruption schemes involving its executors, reduced pressure on the regime and, consequently, the effectiveness of sanctions. Thus these factors contributed to the ultimate failure of the sanctions policy towards Iraq in 1990-2003.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>санкции</kwd><kwd>Ирак</kwd><kwd>санкции ООН</kwd><kwd>санкции США</kwd><kwd>политический режим</kwd><kwd>политическая элита</kwd><kwd>Саддам Хусейн</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>sanctions</kwd><kwd>Iraq</kwd><kwd>UN sanctions</kwd><kwd>U.S. sanctions</kwd><kwd>political regime</kwd><kwd>political elite</kwd><kwd>Saddam Hussein</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Ali M.M. 2000. 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