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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">mgimoreview</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник МГИМО-Университета</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>MGIMO Review of International Relations</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2071-8160</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9099</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO Universty Press</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24833/2071-8160-2020-2-71-94-122</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">mgimoreview-1481</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИЕ СТАТЬИ. Трансформация системы международных отношений</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>RESEARCH ARTICLES. Transformation of international system</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Сотрудничество России и Индии: перспективы создания нового движения неприсоединения</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>The Prospects of Russia and India Jointly Leading a New Non-Aligned Movement</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Корыбко</surname><given-names>Э.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Korybko</surname><given-names>A.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Эндрю Корыбко – аспирант кафедры дипломатии</p><p>119454, Москва, проспект Вернадского, 76</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Andrew Korybko – Independent Researcher, PhD Degree Seeker, Master Degree in International Relations</p><p>76, Prospect Vernadskogo, Moscow, 119454</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">korybko.e@my.mgimo.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Морозов</surname><given-names>В. М.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Morozov</surname><given-names>V. M.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Владимир Михайлович Морозов – кандидат исторических наук, доцент кафедры дипломатии, проректор по кадровой политике</p><p>119454, Москва, проспект Вернадского, 76</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Vladimir M. Morozov – Candidate of History Associate Professor, Department of Diplomacy, Vice-Rector for HR Policy</p><p>76, Prospect Vernadskogo, Moscow, 119454</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">morozov@inno.mgimo.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Московский государственный институт международных отношений (университет) МИД России</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Moscow State Institute of International Relations (university) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2020</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>28</day><month>04</month><year>2020</year></pub-date><volume>13</volume><issue>2</issue><fpage>94</fpage><lpage>122</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Корыбко Э., Морозов В.М., 2020</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2020</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Корыбко Э., Морозов В.М.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Korybko A., Morozov V.M.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/1481">https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/1481</self-uri><abstract><p>В настоящее время продолжается трансформация системы м ных отношений из прежней однополярности или, по мнению одних экспертов, к многополярности, или, в соответствии с менее популярной точкой зрения, к новой биполярности. При анализе современного мирового порядка становится ясно, что именно США и Китай являются глобальными лидерами, что ставит Россию и Индию – давних стратегических партнёров – в младшую позицию по отношению к ним, особенно к их общему соседу – КНР, с которой они разделяют членство в БРИКС и ШОС. Неореалистическая школа теории международных отношений опирается на исследование соотношения национальных интересов, которые могут совпадать: именно с учётом этого фактора у России и Индии рождается мотивация к совместному упрочнению своих стратегических позиции по отношению к Китаю, при этом избегая враждебного поведения, чтобы не допустить риска непреднамеренного запуска «дилеммы безопасности» и сохранить достигнутые успехи в развитии евразийской интеграции.</p><p>В ключевых статьях, опубликованных дискуссионным клубом «Валдай» в 2019 г., шла дискуссия о возможности создания нового движения неприсоединения; в одной из них упор делается на возможное сотрудничество России и Индии, в соответствии с вышеупомянутыми структурными детерминантами, нацеленное на достижений этой стратегической цели. Такой тезис заслуживает дальнейшей проработки, что и стало задачей настоящего исследования: выявить возможности и ограничения сотрудничества России и Индии в деле создания нового движения неприсоединения, поместив данную экспертную инициативу в стратегический контекст глобальных системных трансформаций. Авторами было проанализировано около десятка статей и докладов российских экспертов, в результате чего был сделан вывод о том, что данная идея является обоснованной, но требует гораздо большего изучения проблем и возможностей реализации, чтобы стать чем-то большим, чем экспертное мнение.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The ongoing global systemic transition is transforming international relations from its erstwhile unipolarity to what experts agree is either multipolarity or, less popularly, bipolarity. However one chooses to describe the present world order, it's clear that the US and China are the main global players, which places Russia and India – decades-long strategic partners – in a junior position vis-a-vis both of them, especially their mutual Chinese neighbor with whom they share membership in BRICS and the SCO. The neorealist school of International Relations Theory preaches the need to pursue national interests, which sometimes align with others', and it is argued in the article that it is with this idea in mind that both countries have a motivation to jointly improve their strategic positions relative to the People's Republic, albeit in a non-hostile manner that avoids the risk of inadvertently triggering a security dilemma and reversing the recent gains made in Eurasian integration.</p><p>Two articles published by Russia's Valdai Club in 2019 indicated the possibility of creating a new Non-Aligned Movement, with the most recent one proposing that it be jointly led by Russia and India in order to advance the aforementioned neo-realist objective of balancing China. This suggestion is very intriguing and deserves some further elaboration, to which end the present research was conducted in order to place the new Non-Aligned Movement proposal in a strategic context relevant to the ongoing global systemic transition. Nearly a dozen articles and reports by Russian experts were analyzed, resulting in the conclusion that the proposal is a promising one but requires much more research into its challenges and opportunities in order to become more than just a proposed concept. In the event that any tangible progress is made on it, however, it must be done so extremely carefully in order for China not to misunderstand its intentions.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Россия</kwd><kwd>Индия</kwd><kwd>Китай</kwd><kwd>многополярность</kwd><kwd>биполярность</kwd><kwd>новое движение н присоединения</kwd><kwd>движение за мирное развитие</kwd><kwd>Южная Азия</kwd><kwd>Евразия</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Russia</kwd><kwd>India</kwd><kwd>China</kwd><kwd>multipolarity</kwd><kwd>bipolarity</kwd><kwd>New Non-Aligned Movement</kwd><kwd>Peaceful Development Movement</kwd><kwd>South Asia</kwd><kwd>Eurasia</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Agius C., Karen D. 2011. 'Neutrality: A Really Dead Concept?' A Reprise. Cooperation and Conflict. 46(3). 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