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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">mgimoreview</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник МГИМО-Университета</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>MGIMO Review of International Relations</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2071-8160</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9099</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO Universty Press</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24833/2071-8160-2021-1-76-48-93</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">mgimoreview-2664</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИЕ  СТАТЬИ. Национальная идентичность и политика памяти в международных отношениях</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>RESEARCH  ARTICLES. National Identity and the Politics of Memory in International Relations</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Роль полонизации в формировании национальной идентичности Украины и Беларуси</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Polonization as a Determinant of National Identities of Ukraine and Belarus</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Ройс</surname><given-names>Дилан Пэйн</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Royce</surname><given-names>Dylan Payne</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Дилан Пэйн Ройс - соискатель PhD.</p><p>Вашингтон, округ Колумбия</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Dylan Payne Royce - PhD Candidate.</p><p>Washington, DC</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">dylanroyce@gwu.edu</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru">Университет Джорджа Вашингтона<country>Соединённые Штаты Америки</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en">George Washington University<country>United States</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2021</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>01</day><month>03</month><year>2021</year></pub-date><volume>14</volume><issue>1</issue><fpage>48</fpage><lpage>93</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Ройс Д., 2021</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2021</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Ройс Д.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Royce D.</copyright-holder><license license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/2664">https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/2664</self-uri><abstract><p>После обретения независимости Украина и Беларусь стали проводить противоположные политические курсы в отношении России. В значительной степени это было обусловлено не материальными стимулами (так как они схожи), а расходящимся представлениями о национальном самосознании среди украинских и белорусских народов и элит, что привело к утверждению различных убеждений относительно того, как эти нации связаны с Россией, и каким образом они должны выстраивать с ней свои отношения.Данные различия начали формироваться в XVI-XVII вв., когда южные земли Великого княжества Литовского (являющиеся территорией современной западно-центральной Украины) были переданы Королевству Польскому, а затем были завоеваны Россией, в то время как Беларусь оставалась в пределах Великого Княжества Литовского вплоть до присоединения литовских владений к России. Продолжительность польского господства значительно отличается для разных украинских и белорусских территорий, так же как и его характер: от полного господства на одних (западно- и центрально-украинских) до фактического отсутствия контроля на других (белорусских) территориях. Учитывая, что общерусской культуре в начальный период в Великом Княжестве Литовском был определён особый важный статус, и, что полонизация, естественно, происходила в Королевстве Польском более интенсивно, чем в Великом Княжестве, следует, что чем дольше территория находилась под польской властью, тем сильнее она подвергалась полонизации; чем сильнее она подвергалась полонизации, тем сильнее там развивалось западно-европейское самосознание; чем интенсивнее западноевропейское самосознание сливалось с украинским и белорусским национальными идентичностями, тем больше они становились отчуждёнными от невестернизированных руських наций и национальных идентичностей, в первую очередь от великорусской/российской; чем значительнее отчуждено от России национальное самосознание, тем активнее  его носители стремятся отдалиться от неё.</p><p>В данной статье доказывается, что чем дольше регион находился под властью Польши, тем сильнее его население впоследствии стремилось и стремится к отдалению от России. Украинские территории, особенно на западе и в центре страны, длительное время находились под польским владычеством и, соответственно, отличаются антироссийскими настроениями, которые царили уже столетие назад. С другой стороны, Беларусь, территорией которой Польша никогда не владела, a лишь контролировала опосредованно через Великое Княжество Литовское, и в настоящее время продолжает политику сближения и дружественных отношений с Россией.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Since their independence, Ukraine and Belarus have pursued relatively consistent but almost polar-opposite policies toward Russia. For the most part, the difference is explicable not as a product of differing material pressures and incentives (which do not, in fact, differ significantly), but as a consequence of differing popular and elite conceptions of Ukrainian and Belarusian national identities, which yield different beliefs about the proper relationship of those nations to Russia. The article argues that the difference is largely traceable to the 16th and 17th centuries, when the Grand Duchy of Lithuania’s southern lands – modern western and central Ukraine – were transferred to the Kingdom of Poland, and subsequently conquered by Russia in stages, while Belarus remained within Lithuania until also conquered by Russia. This resulted in different Ukrainian and Belarusian territories spending vastly different amounts of time under Polish rule. Considering that Rusian culture originally had a high status in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and that Polonization naturally proceeded more intensely in Poland than in Lithuania, the author hypothesizes that: 1) the longer a territory was under Polish rule, the more subject it was to Polonization; 2) the more it was subject to Polonization, the more it developed a western European identity; 3) the more Ukrainian and Belarusian national identities were westernized, the more alienated they became from non-westernized Rusian nationalities, primarily the (Great) Russian (русский / великорусский / российский); 4) the more alienated a national identity is from Russia, the more its bearers seek to separate themselves from Russia. The research finds out that the longer an area was under Polish rule, the more support it subsequently displayed for separation and distancing from Russia. Ukrainian territories, especially in the west and center of the country, were long under Polish rule and accordingly tend toward an anti-Russian alignment that was visible even a century ago. On the other hand, Belarus, ruled by the Grand Duchy of Lithuania but never by Poland directly, expressed little desire to abandon the Russian Empire a century ago, and today continues a policy of friendship and integration with Russia.</p><p>The article combines various qualitative and quantitative methods to demonstrate how centuries-long historical processes reshaped a national identity, with massive consequences that still endure today.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>полонизация</kwd><kwd>Украина</kwd><kwd>Беларусь</kwd><kwd>национальная идентичность</kwd><kwd>Россия</kwd><kwd>Польша</kwd><kwd>СССР</kwd><kwd>Великое княжество Литовское</kwd><kwd>Королевство Польское</kwd><kwd>национализм</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Polonization</kwd><kwd>Ukraine</kwd><kwd>Belarus</kwd><kwd>national identity</kwd><kwd>Russia</kwd><kwd>Poland</kwd><kwd>USSR</kwd><kwd>Grand Duchy of Lithuania</kwd><kwd>Kingdom of Poland</kwd><kwd>nationalism</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group xml:lang="ru"><funding-statement>Автор благодарен Гузель Мусавировн Лентон за помощь с редактурой русского языка, Harris Mylonas и Henry Hale за поддержку и советы, а также двоим анонимным рецензентам за полезные рекомендации по доработке текста</funding-statement></funding-group><funding-group xml:lang="en"><funding-statement>I thank Guzel Musavirovna Lenton for fixing the language, Harris Mylonas and Henry Hale for their support and advice, and the two anonymous reviewers for their useful recommendations</funding-statement></funding-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Грушевский М. 1903. 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