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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">mgimoreview</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник МГИМО-Университета</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>MGIMO Review of International Relations</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2071-8160</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9099</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO Universty Press</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-15-32</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">mgimoreview-3366</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИЕ СТАТЬИ. Россия и Индия в глобальной перспективе</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>RESEARCH ARTICLES. Russia and India in Global Perspective</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Многовекторность при «неравномерной многополярности»: отношения Индии с Россией в условиях меняющегося миропорядка</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Multi-alignment under "Uneven Multipolarity": India’s Relations with Russia in an Evolving World Order</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Капур</surname><given-names>Ниведита</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Kapoor</surname><given-names>Nivedita</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Капур Ниведита – PhD, научный сотрудник Международной лаборатории исследований мирового порядка и нового регионализма, Факультет мировой экономики и мировой политики.</p><p>101000, Россия, Москва, улица Мясницкая, 20.</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Nivedita Kapoor – PhD, Research Fellow, International Laboratory on World Order Studies and the New Re- gionalism, Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs</p><p>20 Myasnitskaya Ulitsa, Moscow, Russia, 101000</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">kapoor.nivedita@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики» (НИУ ВШЭ).</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>National Research University Higher School of Economics</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2023</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>24</day><month>05</month><year>2023</year></pub-date><volume>16</volume><issue>2</issue><fpage>15</fpage><lpage>32</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Капур Н., 2023</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2023</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Капур Н.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Kapoor N.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/3366">https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/3366</self-uri><abstract><p>Российско-индийские отношения рассматриваются в статье с опорой на концепцию «неравномерной многополярности». В Индии меняется восприятие Китая, а вместе с ним и оценка баланса угроз, особенно в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском и Индоокеанском регионах, имеющих решающее значение для национальной безопасности Индии и её растущих региональных амбиций. США и Китай превосходят по своему потенциалу остальные великие державы, однако, это не приводит к формированию полноценной биполярности. Современная система международных отношений скорее соответствует понятию «неравномерной многополярности».</p><p>Изменения во внешнеполитическом курсе России, связанные с ухудшением её отношений с Западом и растущим сближением с Китаем, создали ряд ограничений для развития индийско-российских отношений. Многовекторность во внешней политике Индии не предполагает формирование союзов, тем не менее как форма политики баланса сил она все же подразумевает расстановку внешнеполитических приоритетов. В сложившихся условиях отношения с США оказываются для Индии сравнительно более важными, тем не менее партнёрство с Россией сохраняет особое значение.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The article explores the ongoing evolution of India's relationship with Russia, using the concept of "uneven multipolarity" and its specific distribution of capabilities. It argues that India's perception of the balance of threats has shifted with respect to China, particularly in the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions, which are crucial to India's national security and future power projection ambitions. In the current context of uneven multipolarity, the capabilities of the US and China exceed those of weaker major powers, such as India, Russia, and Japan, without tipping the system into explicit bipolarity. This specific nature of current polarity and India's "China challenge" have led to shifting alignments in its foreign policy.</p><p>When combined with changes in Russia's external relations, particularly the breakdown of its relations with the West and growing closeness with China, these factors have created particular constraints on New Delhi's partnership with Moscow. Multi-alignment for India represents a choice other than the formation of alliances as a balancing response, but it does introduce a hierarchy in its foreign relations. Under prevailing conditions, it emphasizes the importance of the relationship with the US while diminishing the significance of the relationship with Russia, even as the value of the bilateral partnership is retained in specific ways. These observations are instrumental in the assessment of the present and future trajectory of Indo-Russian ties presented in the article.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>индийско-российские отношения</kwd><kwd>внешняя политика Индии</kwd><kwd>Китай</kwd><kwd>многополярность</kwd><kwd>Азиатско-Тихоокеанский регион</kwd><kwd>многовекторность</kwd><kwd>российско-китайские отношения</kwd><kwd>индийско-американские отношения</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>India-Russia relations</kwd><kwd>Indian foreign policy</kwd><kwd>China</kwd><kwd>multipolarity</kwd><kwd>Asia-Pacific</kwd><kwd>multialignment</kwd><kwd>Russia-China relations</kwd><kwd>India-US relations</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Bajpai K. 2017. Narendra Modi's Pakistan and China policy: assertive bilateral diplomacy, active coalition diplomacy. 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