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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">mgimoreview</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник МГИМО-Университета</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>MGIMO Review of International Relations</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2071-8160</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9099</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO Universty Press</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-28-57</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">mgimoreview-3519</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИЕ СТАТЬИ. История международных отношений и внешней политики</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>RESEARCH ARTICLES. History of International Relations and Foreign Policy</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Курдский фактор в политике США на пике кризисов в Иране и Афганистане, 1979 – январь 1981 гг.</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>The Kurdish Movement’s Factor in US Politics at the Peak of Iran and Afghanistan Crises, 1979 – January 1981</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2706-3904</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Юнгблюд</surname><given-names>В. Т.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Yungblud</surname><given-names>V. T.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Валерий Теодорович Юнгблюд – доктор исторических наук, профессор, президент</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Valery T. Yungblud – Doctor of History, Professor, President</p><p>Moskovskaya str., 36, 610000, Kirov, Russia.</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">yungblud@vyatsu.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9329-2839</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Сенников</surname><given-names>А. И.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Sennikov</surname><given-names>A. I.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Алексей Иванович Сенников – кандидат исторических наук, научный сотрудник кафедры истории и политических наук</p><p>610000, г. Киров, ул. Московская, д. 36.</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Alexey I. Sennikov – Candidate of Historical Sciences, Research Associate at the Department of History and Political Science.</p><p>Moskovskaya str., 36, 610000, Kirov, Russia.</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">usr12154@vyatsu.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Вятский государственный университет</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Vyatka State University</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2023</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>13</day><month>11</month><year>2023</year></pub-date><volume>16</volume><issue>5</issue><fpage>28</fpage><lpage>57</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Юнгблюд В.Т., Сенников А.И., 2023</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2023</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Юнгблюд В.Т., Сенников А.И.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Yungblud V.T., Sennikov A.I.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/3519">https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/3519</self-uri><abstract><p>В конце 1979 г. после захвата американского посольства в Тегеране сторонниками верховного лидера Исламской Республики Иран аятоллы Р. Хомейни (4 ноября) и ввода советских войск в Афганистан (25 декабря) Соединённые Штаты столкнулись с необходимостью существенной корректировки своего курса на Ближнем и Среднем Востоке. Аналитические, разведывательные и военные структуры США в поисках ответа на возникшие в связи с иранским и афганским кризисами вызовами задействовали различные ресурсы. В качестве одного из потенциальных рычагов влияния на развитие ситуации в регионе рассматривался курдский фактор. Аппарат СНБ, Государственный департамент, ЦРУ и Министерство обороны США анализировали курдское движение на предмет возможности его использования в собственных интересах. На основе документов Государственного департамента, Совета национальной безопасности и Центрального разведывательного управления в статье прослеживаются этапы выработки политики США в отношении движения курдов и его использования для достижения стратегических целей Вашингтона в условиях наиболее острой фазы иранского и афганского кризисов. Обосновываются выводы о том, что изначальная ошибочная оценка событий в Афганистане и Иране как воплощения продуманной цельной советской стратегии продвижения в район Персидского залива стала главной причиной несостоятельности расчётов Администрации Картера на использование курдов в качестве силы, способной противостоять режиму Хомейни и нерелевантности выводов о слабости иранского политического режима. Колебания в отношениях Вашингтона с Тегераном не способствовали выработке чёткой линии на афгано-иранском направлении. </p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>At the close of 1979, the United States encountered a critical need to realign its Middle East strategy in the wake of the capture of the American Embassy in Tehran by supporters of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah R. Khomeini on November 4, and the subsequent deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan on December 25. Faced with the challenges presented by the Iranian and Afghan crises, the United States' analytical, intelligence, and military bodies navigated various resources in search of viable solutions.</p><p>This study delves into the consideration of the Kurdish factor as a potential instrument in shaping the regional landscape. The National Security Council (NSC), State Department, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the US Department of Defense all scrutinized the Kurdish movement, evaluating its prospects for advancing American interests. Drawing from documents obtained from the State Department, National Security Council, and CIA, this article tracks the evolution of US policy concerning the Kurdish movement and its utility in realizing Washington's strategic objectives during the most critical phases of the Iran and Afghanistan crises.</p><p>The analysis underscores the fundamental flaw in the initial evaluation of events in Afghanistan and Iran, misinterpreting them as a calculated move within a Soviet strategy to extend influence into the Persian Gulf region. This misconception was the primary cause of the Carter administration's failure in utilizing the Kurds as a counterforce against the Khomeini regime and its erroneous perceptions of the Iranian political regime's vulnerabilities. Inconsistencies in Washington's relationship with Tehran hindered the formulation of a coherent approach toward the Afghan-Iranian direction.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>США</kwd><kwd>Исламская республика Иран</kwd><kwd>СССР</kwd><kwd>курдский вопрос</kwd><kwd>Афганистан</kwd><kwd>заложники</kwd><kwd>тайные операции</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>USA</kwd><kwd>Islamic Republic of Iran</kwd><kwd>USSR</kwd><kwd>Kurdish issue</kwd><kwd>Afghanistan</kwd><kwd>hostages</kwd><kwd>covert operations</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group><funding-statement xml:lang="ru">Исследование выполнено за счёт гранта Российского научного фонда №22-78-10179, https://rscf.ru/ project/22-78-10179/</funding-statement><funding-statement xml:lang="en">The study was supported by a grant from the Russian Science Foundation No 22-78-10179, https://rscf.ru/en/project/22-78-10179/</funding-statement></funding-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Barfield T. 2023. 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