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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">mgimoreview</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник МГИМО-Университета</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>MGIMO Review of International Relations</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2071-8160</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9099</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO Universty Press</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-60-67</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">mgimoreview-352</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Современная политика КНР в Юго-Восточной Азии</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>The Contemporary Chinese Policy in Southeast Asia</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Власов</surname><given-names>Н. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Vlasov</surname><given-names>N. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><email xlink:type="simple">vlasov1189@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Московский государственный институт международных отношений (университет) МИД России</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University)</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2015</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>28</day><month>06</month><year>2015</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>3(42)</issue><fpage>60</fpage><lpage>67</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Власов Н.В., 2015</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2015</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Власов Н.В.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Vlasov N.V.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/352">https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/352</self-uri><abstract><p>Несмотря на становление КНР как полноценно глобальной державы, её региональные интересы, в частности в ЮВА, не теряют своей значимости. Развитие отношений с АСЕАН в целом и с её 10 странами-членами в отдельности остается одним из наиболее приоритетных направлений в китайской внешнеполитической парадигме. Это продиктовано интересами обеспечения безопасного и подконтрольного буфера по периметру границ КНР - «пояса мира, стабильности и совместного процветания». Современные позиции Китая в ЮВА весьма прочны и основываются на взаимном прагматизме, что во многом обусловлено достигнутым значительным уровнем торгово-экономического и инвестиционного сотрудничества. Поступательно развиваются двусторонние отношения в сфере политики, безопасности и обороны. Тесно переплетаются культурно-гуманитарные связи, способствующие взращиванию в будущем лояльных Китаю элит. В то же время в Юго-Восточной Азии увеличивается стремление стран снизить уровень их зависимости от северной страны. Растёт насторожённость регионалов в связи с экономическим и военно-политическим усилением КНР, проявляющимся все отчётливее китайским национализмом. Не способствуют дальнейшему укреплению влияния Пекина и нерешённая до сих пор проблема территориальных споров в акватории Южно-Китайского моря. В этом контексте Китай сталкивается с двумя проблемами: отстаивание своих национальных интересов, с одной стороны, и сохранение благоприятной атмосферы в регионе для расширения отношений с партнёрами в АСЕАН, с другой. Ещё одним фактором, способным подорвать китайское лидерство в ЮВА, является недавно объявленный «разворот» США в сторону Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Although the PRC has been gradually turning into a genuinely global power recently, her regional interests particularly in SEA are not shrinking. Developing relations with ASEAN in general and its member states in particular is still among the key priorities of the Chinese foreign policy. This is motivated by the interest to ensure safe and controlled buffer along China's border perimeter - "belt of peace, stability and common prosperity". At present, Chinese standing in SEA is firm. Sino-ASEAN relations are based upon mutual pragmatism. The reason for that to a great extent is a tangible trade and economic and investment cooperation. Bilateral relations in political and security as well as defense spheres have been also steadily expanding. Humanitarian ties are closely interwoven, which may help make future ASEAN elites more pro-Chinese. Nevertheless, it has been all the more evident that Southeast Asian nations are seeking to lower their current overdependence on China. Their concern are rising due to China's growing political and military and economic muscles as well as because of increasing Chinese nationalism. Unresolved territorial disputes in the South China Sea also impede promotion of China's influence there. In this context China turns out to be sandwiched between the necessity to uphold her national interests, on the one hand, and the goal to keep a comfort regional atmosphere for facilitating her relationship with ASEAN, on the other. Moreover, lately there has been another sound factor jeopardizing China's leadership in SEA - Washington's Asia Pacific pivot.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>внешняя политика КНР</kwd><kwd>ЮВА</kwd><kwd>АСЕАН</kwd><kwd>АТР</kwd><kwd>саммит АСЕАН-Китай</kwd><kwd>стратегическое партнерство АСЕАН и КНР</kwd><kwd>территориальные споры в Южно-китайском море</kwd><kwd>соперничество КНР и США</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>foreign policy of the PRC</kwd><kwd>Southeast Asia</kwd><kwd>ASEAN</kwd><kwd>the Asia Pacific</kwd><kwd>ASEAN-China summit</kwd><kwd>ASEAN-China strategic partnership</kwd><kwd>the South China sea territorial disputes</kwd><kwd>Sino-US competition</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Anthea Mulakala, The Rise of Asia's Southern Providers in East Asia// Asia Foundation. 12 February, 2014. 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