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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">mgimoreview</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник МГИМО-Университета</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>MGIMO Review of International Relations</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2071-8160</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9099</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO Universty Press</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24833/2071-8160-2025-4-103-110-136</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">mgimoreview-4027</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИЕ СТАТЬИ. К юбилею академика А.В. Торкунова. Восток в мировой политике</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>RESEARCH ARTICLES. On the Anniversary of Academician Anatoly Torkunov: The East in World Politics</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Влияние китайского-американского соперничества на безопасность в Персидском заливе</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>China–US Rivalry and Security Dynamics in the Persian Gulf</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Бобкин</surname><given-names>Н. Н.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Bobkin</surname><given-names>N. N.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Николай Николаевич Бобкин – кандидат военных наук, доцент, старший научный сотрудник Отдела военно-политических исследований Института США и Канады им. академика Г.А. Арбатова</p><p>121069, Российская Федерация, Москва, Хлебный пер., 2/3</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Nikolay N. Bobkin – Candidate of Sciences (Military), Associate Professor, Senior Researcher Fellow Center for Military-Political Studies, Georgy Arbatov Institute for U.S. and Canada Studies</p><p>121069, 2/3 Khlebny per., Moscow, Russian Federation</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">nnbobkin@rambler.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Институт США и Канады им. академика Г.А. Арбатова Российской академии наук (ИСКРАН)</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Georgy Arbatov Institute for U.S. and Canada Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences (ISKRAN)</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2025</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>11</day><month>09</month><year>2025</year></pub-date><volume>18</volume><issue>4</issue><fpage>110</fpage><lpage>136</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Бобкин Н.Н., 2025</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2025</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Бобкин Н.Н.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Bobkin N.N.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/4027">https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/4027</self-uri><abstract><p>Стратегические и экономические интересы Пекина, а также необходимость в стабильных поставках энергоресурсов укрепили сотрудничество между КНР и странами Персидского залива. Эта система характеризуется сложной архитектурой взаимосвязей, включающей в себя не только прямые торговые потоки, но и политические альянсы, инвестиционные проекты и инфраструктурные инициативы. Рост влияния Китая и ослабление позиций США могут существенно изменить военно-политическую ситуацию. Прибрежные арабские государства, несмотря на исторически сложившиеся тесное сотрудничество с США, стремятся избежать однозначного выбора между Вашингтоном и Пекином. Цель исследования — определить, как стратегическое соперничество между США и КНР, которое представляет собой сложный комплекс взаимодействий, где у каждой стороны свои роли и стратегии, влияет на международные отношения и безопасность в субрегионе Персидского залива. Для этого автор оценивает изменения в концептуальных подходах руководства США к стратегической конкуренции с КНР, а также рассматривает основные принципы внешней политики Китая, которые позволяют ему усиливать влияние в субрегионе. Далее анализируется, как напряжённость между Саудовской Аравией и Ираном воздействует на региональную стратегию КНР и, как следствие, на отношения между Вашингтоном и Пекином. Анализ влияния соперничества США и Китая на стратегии ОАЭ проводится как в контексте двусторонних отношений, так и в региональном аспекте. Особое внимание уделяется тому, как Эмираты поддерживают баланс в отношениях с этими странами и укрепляют свои позиции в качестве регионального лидера. Результаты исследования позволяют сделать вывод о том, что Пекин усиливает свои позиции в Персидском заливе благодаря собственной политике и важной геополитической тенденции, которая отражает формирование многополярности в этом субрегионе. В условиях растущей конкуренции между великими державами Китай демонстрирует способность эффективно участвовать в региональных делах. Государства Персидского залива не хотят делать выбор между США и Китаем, а стремятся сохранить свою независимость. Однако в вопросах обороны и безопасности они вынуждены полагаться на помощь Соединённых Штатов.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>China’s growing strategic and economic interests, coupled with its need for stable energy supplies, have deepened engagement with the Gulf states. This emerging relationship extends beyond trade to include investment, infrastructure initiatives, and political partnerships, forming a complex architecture of interdependence. At the same time, the weakening of the United States’ position has begun to alter the regional balance of power. Despite their long-standing security reliance on Washington, Gulf monarchies increasingly seek to avoid binary choices between the United States and China, pursuing greater autonomy in their foreign policies. This article examines how the evolving U.S.–China rivalry shapes international relations and security in the Persian Gulf. It first assesses the transformation of U.S. strategic thinking on competition with China and analyzes the principles of Beijing’s foreign policy that underpin its rising influence in the subregion. The study then explores how Saudi–Iranian tensions affect China’s regional strategy and, in turn, Washington–Beijing relations. Special attention is given to the United Arab Emirates’ strategy of balancing its ties with both powers while consolidating its role as a regional leader. The analysis demonstrates that China is consolidating its position in the Gulf through deliberate policy choices as well as broader geopolitical trends reflecting the emergence of multipolarity. While Gulf states seek to preserve independence by diversifying external partnerships, they remain dependent on the United States in defense and security. The article concludes that the Gulf has become a key arena of great-power competition, where Beijing’s growing presence and Washington’s enduring security role interact to reshape the regional order.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>ратегическое соперничество между США и Китаем</kwd><kwd>биполярность и многополярность</kwd><kwd>региональные отношения</kwd><kwd>государства Персидского залива</kwd><kwd>Иран</kwd><kwd>безопасность</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>US-China strategic rivalry</kwd><kwd>bipolarity and multipolarity</kwd><kwd>regional relations</kwd><kwd>Gulf states</kwd><kwd>Iran</kwd><kwd>security</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Alterman Dj. 2024. China’s US-Driven Middle East Strategy. The Washington Quarterly. 47(3). P. 7–24.</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Alterman Dj. 2024. 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