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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">mgimoreview</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник МГИМО-Университета</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>MGIMO Review of International Relations</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2071-8160</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9099</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO Universty Press</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24833/2071-8160-2026-1-106-79-98</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">mgimoreview-4185</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИЕ СТАТЬИ. Глобальная энергетическая политика</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>RESEARCH ARTICLES. Global Energy Policy</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Проект Тайского канала как альтернатива Малаккскому проливу в условиях формирующегося многополярного порядка</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>The Thai Canal Project as an Alternative to the Strait of Malacca in the Emerging Multipolar Order</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1047-2573</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Пыльцина</surname><given-names>Е. С.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Pyltsina</surname><given-names>E. S.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Пыльцина Елена Сергеевна – старший научный сотрудник Центра изучения Вьетнама и АСЕАН</p><p>117997, Москва, Нахимовский проспект, 32</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Elena S. Pyltsina – Senior Researcher, Centre for Vietnam and ASEAN Studies, Institute of China and Contemporary Asia</p><p>Nakhimovsky prospect, 32, 117997, Moscow, Russia</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">pyltsina@iccaras.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3685-2120</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Толорая</surname><given-names>Г. Д.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Toloraya</surname><given-names>G. D.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Толорая Георгий Давидович –д.э.н., главный научный сотрудник Центра мировой политики и стратегического анализа</p><p>117997, Москва, Нахимовский проспект, 32</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Georgy D. Toloraya – Doctor of Economics, Chief Researcher, Centre for World Politics and Strategic Analysis</p><p>Nakhimovsky prospect, 32, 117997 Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">info@nkibrics.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Институт Китая и современной Азии РАН</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Institute of China and Contemporary Asia, Russian Academy of Sciences</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2026</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>04</day><month>03</month><year>2026</year></pub-date><volume>19</volume><issue>1</issue><fpage>79</fpage><lpage>98</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Пыльцина Е.С., Толорая Г.Д., 2026</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2026</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Пыльцина Е.С., Толорая Г.Д.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Pyltsina E.S., Toloraya G.D.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/4185">https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/4185</self-uri><abstract><p>Статья посвящена комплексному анализу проекта строительства глубоководного канала через перешеек Кра, который представляет собой потенциальный альтернативный маршрут Малаккскому проливу. Авторы исследуют проект в трех измерениях: исторической обусловленности, современных вызовах и обширных геополитических последствиях. Идея канала, восходящая к инициативе Короля Нарая 1677 года, сегодня приобрела особую актуальность в свете колоссальной перегрузки Малаккского пролива, через который ежегодно проходит до 90 000 судов и ряда политических факторов - прежде всего, американо-китайским противоречий и присоединения Таиланда и Малайзии к БРИКС в качестве партнёров. С логистической точки зрения, канал Кра обещает определённую экономию: сокращение морского пути на примерно 700 миль и уменьшение времени транзита на трое суток. Проект способен стать катализатором роста для Таиланда и одновременно переформатировать расстановку сил в регионе. Участие в проекте под эгидой новых глобальных структур, в частности БРИКС, может не только решить вопрос финансирования, но и стать для королевства ключевым рычагом укрепления своего международного статуса. Проект может стать элементом морского «Пояса и Пути» КНР, поскольку его строительство позволит решить «Малаккскую дилемму» и снизить уязвимость Китая, для которого пролив является основным путём поставок 80% нефти. Создание канала может угрожать стратегическому доминированию Сингапура и ослабляет контроль США над критическими морскими коммуникациями в Индо-Тихоокеанском регионе. Однако реализация дорогостоящего проекта, оценочная стоимость которого составляет не менее 30 млрд долларов, помимо неясности источника финансирования, сталкивается с критическими препятствиями (экологические риски, внутренняя политическая поляризация и сопротивление местного населения Таиланда, противодействие ряда внешних игроков, имеющих влияние в местных элитах). Вследствие сказанного проект Кра остаётся гипотетическим, но его стратегическая значимость гарантирует его постоянное присутствие в региональной и глобальной повестке. Несмотря на эти вызовы, Тайский канал остаётся мощным потенциальным инструментом для трансформации логистических цепочек и морской транспортной сети в регионе и усиления её конкурентоспособности в эпоху глобальной турбулентности. В заключение авторы рассматривают потенциальные выгоды от реализации данного проекта для России.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>This article examines the proposed deep-water canal across the Kra Isthmus as a potential alternative to the Strait of Malacca in the context of shifting global power dynamics. Combining historical analysis with economic assessment and geopolitical evaluation, the study traces the evolution of the project from its seventeenth-century origins to its renewed strategic relevance in the twenty-first century.</p><p>The canal has re-emerged in policy debates amid increasing congestion in the Strait of Malacca – through which up to 90,000 vessels transit annually – and growing concerns over the vulnerability of critical maritime chokepoints. From a logistical standpoint, the project promises to shorten maritime routes by approximately 700 miles and reduce transit time by up to three days. For Thailand, it could serve as a catalyst for regional development and a means of enhancing its strategic leverage in Southeast Asia.</p><p>At the geopolitical level, the canal is analyzed within the framework of China’s “Malacca dilemma” and the broader transformation of maritime connectivity in the Asia-Pacific region. An alternative route linking the Andaman Sea and the Gulf of Thailand could reduce China’s dependence on the Strait of Malacca and influence regional balances of power, including the positions of Singapore and the United States. The article also considers the potential role of BRICS and the New Development Bank as alternative financing mechanisms.</p><p>However, the project faces significant obstacles, including high capital costs (estimated at over $30 billion), environmental risks, domestic political constraints, and external strategic pressures. Although the Kra Canal remains hypothetical, its strategic implications ensure its continued relevance in regional and global debates. The study concludes by assessing possible implications for Russia within emerging multilateral and transport frameworks.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Канал Кра</kwd><kwd>Тайский канал</kwd><kwd>Малаккский пролив</kwd><kwd>Малаккская дилемма</kwd><kwd>морские коммуникации</kwd><kwd>Юго-Восточная Азия</kwd><kwd>БРИКС</kwd><kwd>инициатива «Один пояс</kwd><kwd>один путь»</kwd><kwd>многополярность</kwd><kwd>стратегические морские маршруты</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Kra Canal</kwd><kwd>Thai Canal Project</kwd><kwd>Strait of Malacca</kwd><kwd>Malacca Dilemma</kwd><kwd>Maritime Connectivity</kwd><kwd>Southeast Asia</kwd><kwd>BRICS</kwd><kwd>Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)</kwd><kwd>Multipolar Order</kwd><kwd>Strategic Maritime Routes</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Brailey N. 1999. 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