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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">mgimoreview</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник МГИМО-Университета</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>MGIMO Review of International Relations</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2071-8160</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9099</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO Universty Press</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24833/2071-8160-2018-1-58-42-62</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">mgimoreview-750</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИЕ СТАТЬИ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>RESEARCH ARTICLES</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>ФЕНОМЕН ТРАМПА И АМЕРИКАНСКАЯ СИСТЕМА РАЗДЕЛЕНИЯ ВЛАСТЕЙ</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>THE PHENOMENON OF TRAMP AND THE AMERICAN SYSTEM OF SEPARATION OF POWERS</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Якунин</surname><given-names>В. И.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Molchakov</surname><given-names>N. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Владимир Иванович Якунин – доктор политических наук, заведующий кафедрой государственной политики</p><p>119192, г. Москва, Ломоносовский проспект, д. 27, корп. 4. </p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Nikita Y. Molchakov – lecturer, Department of Constitutional Law</p><p>76, pr. Vernadskogo, Moscow, 119454</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">viy@polit.msu.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Молчаков</surname><given-names>Н. Ю.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Yakunin</surname><given-names>V. Y.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Никита Юрьевич Молчаков – преподаватель кафедры конституционного права</p><p>119454, г. Москва, пр. Вернадского, д. 76</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Vladimir I. Yakunin – Doctor of Politics, Head of the Public Policy Department</p><p>27-4, Lomonosovski pr., w, 119192</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">nikita.molchakov@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-2"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Московский государственный университет имени М.В. Ломоносова</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University) MFA Russia</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-2"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Московский государственный институт международных отношений (университет) МИД России</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Lomonosov Moscow State University</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2018</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>07</day><month>05</month><year>2018</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>1(58)</issue><fpage>42</fpage><lpage>62</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Якунин В.И., Молчаков Н.Ю., 2018</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2018</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Якунин В.И., Молчаков Н.Ю.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Molchakov N.V., Yakunin V.Y.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/750">https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/750</self-uri><abstract><p>Политическая система США не раз демонстрировала существенные отклонения от конституционных положений, определяющих соотношение трёх ветвей государственной власти. В науке уже давно устоялись понятия «джексоновская демократия» или «имперское президентство», которые ярко иллюстрируют попытки американских президентов выходить за конституционно установленные рамки своей компетенции.  Тем не менее элиты сохраняли общий консенсус в представлениях о стабильной внутренней и внешней политике. В качестве главной угрозы этой стабильности рассматривалась возможность революции сверху. Именно под лозунгом свершения такой революции в ноябре 2016 г. главой государства был избран Д. Трамп – первый в политической истории США президент, не имеющий твёрдой поддержки элит.  Несомненно, что такой итог президентских выборов наглядно проиллюстрировал серьёзные проблемы внутри американского общества, в силу чего причины конфликта между Д. Трампом и его противниками следует искать в идеологической плоскости. Новый президент поставил перед собой задачу существенно изменить фундаментальные основы внешней и внутренней политики США.  В отличие от исторических прецедентов, рассмотренных в настоящем исследовании, критика Д. Трампа выходит за рамки обвинений представителей СМИ или части политического истеблишмента, приобретая форму острого противостояния между ветвями власти и внутри них. Данная ситуация проанализирована в насто­ящей статье с точки зрения политической и юридической науки.  </p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The US political system is repeatedly subjected to significant deviations from those constitutional provisions that determine the relationship between the three branches of power. The scientists use such phrases as «Jacksonian democracy» or «Imperial presidency» to illustrate the attempts of American presidents to intervene those issues which constitutionally assigned to the other branches of power.  In general, despite these deviations from legally established rules, the elites retained a general consensus on the notion of stable domestic and foreign policies. As the main threat to this stability, the possibility of organizing a revolution from above was considered. However, in November 2016 D. Trump managed to be elected under the slogan of such a revolution, becoming the first the president in the political history of the United States, which has no firm support among the elites.  Undoubtedly, such a success illustrated serious problems within American society, that’s why the reasons of the conflict between D. Trump and his opponents could be found first of all in the ideological sphere. The newly elected president proposes a transformation of the fundamental basics that determined the vectors of US foreign and domestic policy in recent decades.  In this case, unlike the historical precedents considered in this paper, D. Trump’s criticism goes beyond simple accusations on the pages of the mass media or in statements of the leading representatives of the American political establishment. It takes a form of an acute confrontation between the branches of power and within them. The analysis of this situation is proposed in the article, both from the point of view of political and legal sciences, which could help to make a forecast on the chances of D. Trump to become a winner in this conflict within the American political elite.  </p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>разделение властей</kwd><kwd>конституционная система</kwd><kwd>политическая элита</kwd><kwd>конфликт элит</kwd><kwd>политическая стабильность</kwd><kwd>Д. Трамп</kwd><kwd>США</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>separation of powers</kwd><kwd>constitutional system</kwd><kwd>political elite</kwd><kwd>elite conflict</kwd><kwd>political stability</kwd><kwd>D. Trump</kwd><kwd>the USA</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Вильсон В. Государственный строй США. СПб: типография А.Г. Розена, 1909. 282 c.</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Vil’son V. Gosudarstvennyi stroi SShA [Constitutional law of the USA]. St. Petersburg, tipografiia A.G. Rozena Publ., 1909. 282 p. (In Russian).</mixed-citation></citation-alternatives></ref><ref id="cit2"><label>2</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Глазкова А.А. Особенности прозвищ американских президентов // Фундаментальные и прикладные исследования в современном мире. 2017. № 17–3. 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