mgimoreviewВестник МГИМО-УниверситетаMGIMO Review of International Relations2071-81602541-9099MGIMO Universty Press10.24833/2071-8160-2019-2-65-7-31mgimoreview-921Research ArticleИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИЕ СТАТЬИRESEARCH ARTICLESИсследование мирных преобразований в условиях отсутствия демократии: пример советско-китайского сообщества безопасностиExplaining Peaceful Change without Democracy: The Case of the Sino-Soviet Security CommunityКошутС.KoschutS.

Саймон Кошут – д. полит. н., научный сотрудник программы Гейзенберга. Институт политологии им. Отто Зура.

Ihnestr. 22, 14195 Berlin

Simon Koschut – Ph.D in Political Science, Heisenberg Fellow at Otto Suhr Institute for Political Science.

 Ihnestr. 22, 14195 Berlin

simon.koschut@fu-berlin.deСвободный Университет БерлинаГерманияFree University of BerlinGermany20192505201902(65)731Copyright © Кошут С., 20192019Кошут С.Koschut S.Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/921

Ряд учёных полагает, что обязательной предпосылкой образования плюралистического сообщества безопасности является наличие демократического режима. Автор данной статьи утверждает, что изучение проблемы сообществ безопасности не всегда может опираться на логику положений теории демократического мира. Безусловно, демократические ценности, нормы, институты и практики способствуют формированию сообщества безопасности, но они ни в коей мере не являются единственной гарантией осуществления мирных перемен. В то время, как многие эксперты в последнее время приходят к такому же выводу, на сегодняшний день пока не было установлено, почему недемократические режимы могут формировать сообщества безопасности. В данной работе получает развитие идея о том, что причинно-следственные связи, обычно характерные для формирования демократических сообществ безопасности, характерны в равной мере и для недемократических сообществ безопасности. Положения статьи подкрепляются эмпирическими данными, основанными на изучении исторического кейса советско-китайских отношений. В общем и целом, автор приходит к выводам о том, что 1) демократия не является обязательной (хотя, безусловно, в существенной мере способствующей) предпосылкой развития плюралистического сообщества безопасности, 2) плюралистическое сообщество безопасности может быть образовано между автократическими режимами и может быть основано на транслировании вовне недемократических норм, идеологической связи, наличии общего Другого (исходя из нормативной логики) и автократических внутренних ограничениях (исходя из институциональной логики).

Some scholars have claimed that democratic regime type needs to be treated as a necessary precondition for the formation of a pluralistic security community. This essay argues that one should not overestimate the explanatory power of linking the democratic peace proposition to the study of security communities. Democratic values, norms, institutions, and practices may certainly facilitate the formation of a security community, but it is by no means the only or even most plausible path to assure dependable expectations of peaceful change. While a number of authors have of late made similar claims, what is not settled is why non-democracies can form security communities. The findings in this essay advance scholarship on this issue by showing that the same causal logics commonly attributed exclusively to democratic security community formation are also present in the formation of non-democratic security communities. The study adds empirical evidence to this argument by developing a historical case study of the Sino-Soviet relationship. In sum, the findings demonstrate that (1) democracy is not a necessary (though facilitating) precondition for the development of a pluralistic security community and (2) a pluralistic security community may form between autocratic regimes based on the causal logical nexus of non-democratic norm externalization, ideological coherence, a common Other (normative logic) and autocratic domestic institutional constraints (institutional logic). 

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The authors declare that there are no conflicts of interest present.