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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">mgimoreview</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник МГИМО-Университета</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>MGIMO Review of International Relations</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2071-8160</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-9099</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO Universty Press</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24833/2071-8160-2019-2-65-57-85</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">mgimoreview-923</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИЕ СТАТЬИ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>RESEARCH ARTICLES</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>«Знак качества» или «чёрная метка»? НАТО как маркер статуса государств</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>A «Badge of Honour» or a «Stamp of Infamy»? NATO As A Marker of Status in International Politics</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Истомин</surname><given-names>И. А.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Istomin</surname><given-names>I. A.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Игорь Александрович Истомин – доцент кафедры прикладного анализа международных проблем.</p><p>119454, Москва, проспект Вернадского, 76. </p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Igor A. Istomin – Associate Professor.</p><p>119454, Moscow, Vernadsky prospect.</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">iaistomin@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Болгова</surname><given-names>И. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Bolgova</surname><given-names>I. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Ирина Вячеславовна Болгова – доцент кафедры прикладного анализа международных проблем.</p><p>119454, Москва, проспект Вернадского, 76.</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Irina V. Bolgova – Associate Professor.</p><p>119454, Moscow, Vernadsky prospect, 76.</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">irinabolgova@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Соколов</surname><given-names>А. П.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Sokolov</surname><given-names>A. P.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Артём Павлович Соколов – старший преподаватель кафедры исторических наук.</p><p>119034, Москва, ул. Остоженка, д. 38 стр. 1.</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Artem P. Sokolov – Senior Lecturer.</p><p>119034, Moscow, Ostozhenka street, 38, building 1. </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">asokolov@foreignpolicy.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-2"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Аватков</surname><given-names>В. А.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Avatkov</surname><given-names>V. A.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Владимир Алексеевич Аватков – доцент кафедры международных отношений.</p><p>119021, Москва, Остоженка 53/2 строение 1. </p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Vladimir A. Avatkov – Associate Professor.</p><p>  119021, Moscow, Ostozhenka street, 53/2 building. </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">v.avatkov@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-3"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Московский государственный институт международных отношений (университет) МИД России.</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO-University).</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-2"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Московский государственный лингвистический университет.</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Moscow State Linguistic University.</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-3"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Дипломатическая академия МИД России.</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia.</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2019</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>25</day><month>05</month><year>2019</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>2(65)</issue><fpage>57</fpage><lpage>85</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Истомин И.А., Болгова И.В., Соколов А.П., Аватков В.А., 2019</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2019</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Истомин И.А., Болгова И.В., Соколов А.П., Аватков В.А.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Istomin I.A., Bolgova I.V., Sokolov A.P., Avatkov V.A.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/923">https://www.vestnik.mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/923</self-uri><abstract><p>Символическое значение участия стран в Североатлантическом альянсе широко признаётся отечественными и зарубежными специалистами. Вместе с тем попыток систематической оценки роли НАТО как маркера политического статуса государств с опорой на сопоставление различных примеров как периода холодной войны, так и последующих десятилетий не предпринималось. Настоящая статья призвана заполнить этот пробел, оценив не только положительные, но и негативные последствия обретения субъектами статусных позиций в результате членства в альянсе. Для того чтобы определить возможные противоречия, выгоды и издержки для государств от участия в НАТО, авторы рассмотрели опыт трёх крупных участников объединения – Германии, Турции и Франции. Он позволяет проследить статусные последствия участия в блоке для субъектов, чьи материальные возможности и общий символический капитал в международной системе претерпевают различные виды изменений. Изучение теоретической литературы и эмпирического опыта государств-членов Североатлантического альянса подтверждает, что в международной системе субъекты конкурируют за крайне дифференцированный символический капитал, воплощающий множество типов признания. Статусные маркеры оказываются сложными социальными конструктами, нагруженными разнообразными смысловыми функциями. В результате, во многих случаях государства не способны контролировать то, какие статусные последствия будет иметь их включение в те или иные институты. Несмотря на то, что они могут быть заинтересованы только в части смыслов, ассоциируемых с некоторым маркером, они вынуждены учитывать наличие у него других политических коннотаций. Для отдельных государств-членов НАТО участие в альянсе имеет принципиально разное значение. Наибольшие сложности возникают, когда несколько смыслов оказываются в равной степени актуальны для одного и того же государства при том, что часть из них оценивается позитивно, а другая – негативно. Кроме того, субъекты могут сталкиваться с противоречием между статусными и практическими последствиями участия в объединении.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The symbolic significance of membership in NATO is widely recognized by Russian and foreign experts. However, attempts to systematically assess its role as a marker of the political status has not been made. This article intends to fill this gap, considering not only positive, but also negative consequences of symbolic capital associated with the NATO membership. In order to determine the possible contradictions, benefits and costs for states from participating in the alliance, the authors examined the record of its three participants – France, Germany and Turkey. The comparison of these three cases enables to trace various status consequences of participation in a bloc for players whose material capacities and overall symbolic capital in the international system undergo different transitions. The theoretical literature and empirical record of the selected NATO members confirm that states compete in the international system for highly differentiated symbolic capital embodying various kinds of recognition. Status markers are complex social constructs, combining various political meanings. Meanwhile, states are not always able to control which types of social recognition will be activated by their inclusion in particular institutions. Despite the fact, that they may be interested only in some of the meanings associated with a status marker, they are compelled to take into account its other political connotations. As a result, NATO membership could bear for states a range of various social consequences. This could lead to a situation when several of them are equally relevant for the same actor, but some contain positive value, while others are assessed negatively. In addition, actors could face a contradiction between the status and practical consequences of participation in the alliance.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>НАТО</kwd><kwd>военно-политический союз</kwd><kwd>символический капитал</kwd><kwd>статус</kwd><kwd>международные институты</kwd><kwd>статусные маркеры</kwd><kwd>Франция</kwd><kwd>Германия</kwd><kwd>Турция</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>NATO</kwd><kwd>military-political alliance</kwd><kwd>symbolic capital</kwd><kwd>status</kwd><kwd>international institutions</kwd><kwd>status markers</kwd><kwd>France</kwd><kwd>Germany</kwd><kwd>Turkey</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Аватков В.А., Кочкин М.В. Парламентские выборы в Турции // Свободная мысль. 2015. №4 (1652). С. 8–17.</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Avatkov V.A., Kochkin M.V.. 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