RESEARCH ARTICLES
The article delves into the genesis of the “knowledge economy” concept as a prime exemplification of the scholarly community's engagement in international politics, facilitated by organizations possessing both scientific and international prominence, such as the OECD. From its inception, the OECD has evolved into an intellectual hub, generating influential documents that exert a substantial impact on the national economic policies of a diverse array of countries, irrespective of their membership status within the organization. This study undertakes an assessment of the evolution of the “knowledge economy” concept within the OECD, employing a dual analytical framework that encompasses intellectual history and international political economy (IPE), with a predominant focus on the neo-Gramscian school of thought within the IPE paradigm.
Our recourse to the neo-Gramscian branch of IPE serves the purpose of delineating the role played by the “knowledge economy” within the broader context of power dynamics and the competing interests of influential groups capable of wielding political and economic influence. Conversely, the intellectual history perspective is instrumental in elucidating the role of the “knowledge economy” in advancing the intellectual pursuits of the scholarly communities actively involved in its conceptual development. When viewed through this lens, the trajectory of the “knowledge economy” from its emergence within the OECD's discourse in the early 1990s to the contemporary era can be characterized as a self-contained cycle. Grounded in the tenets of the “new growth theory,” the “knowledge economy” proffered a perspective that envisaged sustained and intensive non-industrial growth predicated on the development of the electronic sector of the economy, inextricably linked to the academic realm. This nexus, in turn, served as the cornerstone of the “historical bloc” that crystallized as a consequence of the transition of OECD economies into post-industrial states, exercising considerable sway over the policy decisions of these nations. The “knowledge economy” concept, championed by the OECD, thus became emblematic of the vested interests of this historical bloc.
The OECD's documentation in the 2000s, with its pronounced emphasis on the application of lessons gleaned from the electronic sector—demonstrating rapid transitions from research and development outcomes to commercially viable products—across diverse economic sectors, is indicative of the escalating influence wielded by this specific historical bloc. Nevertheless, the practical scope of this experiential transfer ultimately fell short of the expansive initial aspirations associated with the promotion of the “knowledge economy.” Consequently, the “knowledge economy” progressively receded from the purview of OECD documents in the 2010s, giving way to the emergence of the concept of the “digital economy.”
The fragmentation of the Internet, which has replaced information globalization, is becoming a new reality. Digital technologies and the Internet are becoming a field of new geopolitical contradictions and a struggle for leadership between the great powers. Cyber diplomacy, which includes a range of issues of using ICT to achieve the foreign policy goals of the state, as well as new problematic and subject areas of international relations arising in connection with digitalization, is the most important tool for interstate competition and conflicts, as well as a means of conducting information wars.
At the international level, there are no internationally recognized norms governing the development and use of digital tools in the framework of foreign policy, interstate competition or confrontation. It becomes especially important to develop rules for the responsible behavior of states in the global information space. Methodologically, the article is based on the theory of the life cycle of norms. According to this approach, norms are social standards that regulate the behavior of states in a certain area of international relations. At present, there has been a rejection of the norms of the global Internet, which has been promoted by the United States for a long time, free from state borders. A set of norms has been formed in the field of responsible behavior of states in the ICT environment, enshrined in the documents of the UN, regional organizations and other international forums. However, the directions of their development and practical application remain the subject of interstate discussions, in view of the high significance of this problem and the differences in the interests and approaches of states.
The article examines burning issues of the formation of an international regime in the field of ensuring international information security in the context of geopolitical transformations and turbulence. The theory of international regimes developed by Russian and foreign researchers is used as a theoretical and methodological basis for the study.
Based on the classical definition of the international regime, the authors focus on the norms and principles in the field of international information security. The norms and principles in the field of international information security as the rules of responsible behavior in the global information space were first proposed by Russia and its SCO partners in 2011 as part of a discussion of the UN General Assembly. However, Russian initiatives met with resistance from the United States, resulting in a fragmentation of the existing regulatory regime in the field of international information security. Currently, the relevant norms and principles, which are based on the fundamental principles of international law, enshrined in the UN Charter, are presented in the resolutions of the UN General Assembly, and are also enshrined in the reports of the Group of Governmental Experts on achievements in the field of informatization and telecommunications in the context of international security.
The norms fixed in the documents are not mandatory, but they make an important contribution to ensuring international stability by structuring the expectations of various actors in the field of information security. However, the lack of formal consolidation and institutionalization of these norms within the framework of international treaties reduces their legitimacy.
REVIEW ARTICLE
The automation of human activity has been growing every year for the past ten years thanks to AI algorithms, increasing the amount of big data and computing power. Today, artificial intelligence technologies are used in everyday life, automating processes previously performed by humans. Moreover, it is believed that these technologies can reach human cognitive abilities and even surpass them at some point. In this regard, questions arise what the future of humanity will look like in conjunction with AI technologies. If earlier, most of the research was more technical, then in the last three to four years, there has been much scientific research in terms of disciplines in which the influence of artificial intelligence is possible. International relations are no exception. The purpose of the article is to review publications on how artificial intelligence technologies affect international relations? Within the framework of the article, six books and eight articles were considered. The author concludes that AI technologies seriously impact international relations in socio-economic and political terms. The socio-economic aspect includes the consequences of automated capitalism on world politics, the rise in unemployment, the emergence of a "hopeless" class, the polarization of society, and more. AI technologies influences strategic stability, nuclear deterrence, and cyber warfare.
ISSN 2541-9099 (Online)