This article expands upon the author's previous work regarding the Vostok Oil project, initially discussed in the Gubkin University journal. It focuses on the establishment and development of the Zvezda Shipyard project, arguing its critical role in the potential development of the Vostok Oil and Gas province. The paper posits that without the Zvezda Shipyard, it would not be feasible to exploit the Vostok Oil and Gas province or significantly enhance the transportation and logistics capabilities of the Northern Sea Route (NSR). The development of Zvezda's new production facilities is presented as essential for the advancement of the Russian Arctic, facilitating a pivotal eastward shift in the Russian economy. The significance of the Zvezda project and the strategic decisions leading up to it are discussed in detail, demonstrating how they integrate the development of the NSR, the exploitation of Vostok Oil fields, and the establishment of investment and technological foundations for Russia's long-term strategy. This strategy addresses both socio-economic goals and defense and security challenges. Additionally, the paper provides quantitative analyses of the multiplicative effects generated by the Zvezda Shipyard project's realization.  

The article undertakes an analysis of the prospective domains of Russian military collaboration with Arab countries against the backdrop of geopolitical uncertainties. Despite maintaining its position as the second-largest arms exporter globally, Russia has experienced a proportional decline in its share of the global arms market. Nevertheless, a discernible uptick in the trade volume of conventional weaponry, coupled with cyclical enhancements in the tactical and technical attributes of military assets, reflects positive momentum in this sector. Amid prevailing external constraints and a noticeable scarcity of contemporary Russian weaponry in burgeoning segments of the arms market, Russia necessitates resolute and equitable measures to uphold and fortify collaborative ties with partner nations. Within this context, particular emphasis is placed on Russia's strategic military cooperation with Arab states, given the region's status as a focal point of geopolitical interests for major economies and a primary destination for arms imports.

The article scrutinizes Russia's competitive standing in the arms and military equipment markets of the Arab world, acknowledging the region's significance as a pivotal importer of such goods. Employing a multifaceted evaluation encompassing absolute and relative statistical metrics and derived indices, the study assesses the region's role in global arms procurement. Moreover, it offers an appraisal of the existing state and potential avenues for enhancing the efficacy of the Russian-Arab military-technical collaboration framework. The discourse delves into the transformative prospects of this partnership within the framework of networkcentric warfare concepts. Furthermore, the article elucidates the principal risks inherent in military cooperation among nations at present, highlighting concerns regarding the possible manipulation of military-technical cooperation mechanisms to serve as leverage in furthering the geopolitical aspirations of specific stakeholders.

In conclusion, the study posits forward-looking trajectories for bolstering bilateral relations, both sectorally and geographically. These include initiatives such as expanding licensing, leasing, offset transactions, and technology transfer initiatives; advocating for fifth-generation fighter aircraft and long-range radar detection and control systems, leveraging Industry 4.0 technologies; and prioritizing the training of foreign specialists.

By the onset of the Second World War, the USSR had virtually no experience or established traditions of interaction with South Asian countries. Initially, Soviet-Indian relations could be characterized as tepid, largely due to a lack of accurate information about each other. During the wartime, the USSR underestimated the advantages of forging close ties with Indian left-wing centrists, favoring instead communists who provided the Kremlin with falsified data on the national liberation movement in the country.

The article examines how bilateral relations evolved and strengthened as mutual knowledge grew. The second stage of Soviet-Indian relations (1955-1971) can be termed as a period of "birth of friendship," as the image of partnership is consolidated in the eyes of Soviet and Indian politicians and the public. Soviet diplomacy played a pivotal role in shaping policy changes: diplomats sought to gather crucial information about events in the country, transmit it to the USSR, and promote bilateral rapprochement, sometimes even acting in violation of instructions.

The article pays particular attention to the activities of Subhas Chandra Bose, the leader of the left wing of the Indian National Congress, who according to Indian sociological surveys on the most prominent politicians of the 20th century, ranks second only to Mahatma Gandhi. During the Second World War, he was an uncompromising fighter against British colonialists. The Soviet Union did not pay sufficient attention to S.C. Bose, although he potentially could have been a valuable partner for Moscow.

At present, the problem of mutual lack of awareness has resurfaced, hindering the development of closer political, economic, and cultural-humanitarian ties between Russia and India.

The Soviet-Albanian conflict epitomized centrifugal tendencies within the global socialist system. This article draws on a diverse array of sources, including previously unpublished materials, such as documents from the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, as well as memoirs of key leaders (N. Khrushchev, E. Hoxha, R. Alia), and various official records. Notably, the TASS bureau in Tirana provided invaluable insights, collaborating with diplomats and journalists from other socialist nations to produce analytical reports, some of which were directed to the upper echelons of the CPSU. The article explores the evolution of discord between Moscow and Tirana, its culmination in open conflict, and the subsequent severance of party and state relations. Key findings include: 1) The conflict's primary catalysts were the divergent socialist models adopted by the USSR and Albania, coupled with the disparity in interests between the superpower and the bloc's smallest member; 2) The PLA's reluctance to conform to Soviet-style reforms was construed in Moscow as a challenge to the CPSU's hegemony within the global communist movement, while the PLA leadership viewed them as encroachments on its authority; 3) Disagreements pervaded all spheres, with ideology assuming heightened significance compared to conflicts with Yugoslavia; 4) External influences on the conflict's trajectory were marginal, with developments driven by internal dynamics, including Tirana's increasing alienation from the CPSU and the catalytic effect of deteriorating Soviet-Chinese relations; Western powers monitored events closely but refrained from direct intervention; 5) While objective factors underpinned the Soviet-Albanian discord, subjective elements were of secondary importance, yet pivotal in precipitating the conflict's acrimonious turn.

The article delves into the nuanced challenge of crafting a cohesive unionwide patriotic agenda amidst escalating global tensions fueled, in part, by value conflicts. It scrutinizes the emergence of a patriotic discourse intricately woven into the institutional fabric of the Union State, the Russian Federation, and the Republic of Belarus, primarily steered by top political leadership at the domestic level. The overarching aim is to delineate the enduring themes and prevailing narratives within the political elites' patriotic discourse within the Union State, while exploring its potential conceptualization as a coordinating discourse to further integration objectives and as a countermeasure of "anti-soft power" against external value threats emanating from the collective West. Methodologically, the study draws upon discursive neo-institutionalism, employing qualitative content analysis of speeches delivered by the respective presidents of the two countries as its primary analytical approach.
In the conclusions, the paper underscores the remarkable alignment between Russian and Belarusian stances on patriotic issues, particularly concerning their ideological underpinnings. Both underscore the imperative of safeguarding and preserving historical memory and traditional values as the cornerstone of their discourse. However, the analysis also sheds light on the conceptual complexities inherent in articulating sovereignty values by both participating countries. The practical implications underscore the necessity of further solidifying a shared socio-cultural space, harmonizing historical policies within both nations and within the Union State framework, and stimulating a "demand for integration" through the practical implementation of the principal directives outlined in the 2021 package of integration decisions.

The European Free Trade Association (EFTA), established over 60 years ago as an alternative platform for fostering cooperation, has evolved into a crucial component of the pan-European project. The organizational framework underpinning its operations, its developmental trajectory with specific focus on divergences, and the models of differentiated integration (DI) have significantly contributed to its evolution.
EFTA's distinct organizational structure, coupled with its pragmatic legal framework, serves as the foundation of its operations. A detailed examination allows for a clear distinction between Switzerland and the three member states of the European Economic Area (EEA), namely Iceland, Liechtenstein, and Norway.
Regarding the EEA, its legal framework is established through collaborative development of legal instruments with the EU. The thematic allocation is carefully structured based on existing competencies; officials of EFTA's pillar bodies within the two-pillar EEA structure maintain productive relations with the EU, while others focus on internal matters. The geographical location of these bodies plays a decisive role: Brussels and Luxembourg are aligned with a broad Eurocentric decision-making paradigm, while those within EFTA prioritize endogenous agendas.
Switzerland's integration trajectory relies on a diverse array of regulatory mechanisms aimed at bridging disparate areas and fostering cooperation among participating states. A sectoral approach and bilateral agreement packages with the EU are pivotal, with several EFTA bodies operating within Swiss jurisdiction facilitating convergence with the European market. Amidst the current regional turbulence, the convergence of various factors has enabled EFTA to align with the EU's approach to differentiated integration. While earlier scholarly perspectives on the phenomenon were limited in criteria and tools, subsequent empirical developments have provided a more nuanced understanding. The DI models adopted by EFTA member states closely resemble those of the EU, highlighting their alignment. Ultimately, the Association has become an integral part of European integration, with the quartet of participating countries maintaining greater flexibility in decision-making processes.

Book Review: Ponomareva E., Arlyapova E. 2024. The Western Balkans in the run-up to and during the current crisis: players and figures. Moscow: Prospekt Publishing House. 318 p. (in Russian)

Book Review: A.A. Mikaelyan, V.M. Morozov. 2023. The Evolution of Israeli-Chinese and IsraeliIndian Relations. Moscow: MGIMO-University. 213 p.