The article reviews the initial period of European colonization of the North Pacific Ocean and California within the context of diplomatic relations between Russia and Spain during the late 17th and early 18th centuries. It tries to understand the policies of European powers in the American Northwest and the reasons for pursuing their colonial interests there. It analyses the history of exploration of these territories, expeditions to the northern part of the Pacific Ocean, and historical maps of this region. For the first time in Russian historiography the authors touch upon the exploration of California in the 18th century.
The exploration of the North Pacific Ocean, the northwestern American coast, including certain areas of California, Alaska and the Aleutian Islands has long attracted the attention of European powers. It was a process in which government authorities and private merchant companies took part. The expansion of the Spanish Empire into California was made possible in part because of the concerns of the Madrid court about the strengthening of the Russian and British empires in the North Pacific Ocean. The Spanish documents from the archives of Madrid, Seville and Simancas – the article introduces them into research communication the first time - show the validity of the fears of the Madrid court regarding the inevitable development of Russian colonization in the region. The advance of Russia to the shores of America has economic reasons: Cossacks and merchants reached the Pacific Ocean pursuing the desire to profit from the fur trade. As the economic influence expanded, the state interests of annexing territories and bringing the local population into citizenship followed behind. The territorial advance of the Russians to the Pacific Ocean was facilitated by the ambitious, but at the same time balanced diplomacy of Peter I, which managed to ensure the expansion of the borders of the Russian Empire.
Spanish consolidation in certain territories in California was aimed at a possible containment of the Russian advance. Russian-Spanish relations in the Northwest Pacific at the end of the 17th – 18th centuries contributed to the nature of the subsequent development of territories in the North Pacific Ocean.
Abstract: The article examines changing dynamics and structure of US foreign trade with the EU countries, caused by the changes in US foreign trade policy after D. Trump came to power. The United States sets the general mood in the system of international economic relations, and in particular, in international trade. The strengthening of protectionism, the growth of disintegration processes (revision of the conditions of NAFTA / USMCA, US withdrawal from the TPP, stopping negotiations on the TTIP) is the response of Trump administration to the challenges faced by the United States. Globalization and liberalization have ceased to meet the interests of the American economy, which has led to a revision of the ideological foundations and practice of foreign economic activity.
Statistics show that the United States' economic interest in the EU comes from the competitive advantages of individual EU countries. There is a possibility of continuing disintegration in the European Union, since after Brexit the Netherlands and other countries expressed the idea of leaving the Union. This will play into the hands of the United States, which is interested not in a strong united Europe, but in increasing the effectiveness of bilateral ties with individual countries of the European Union. The main conclusion of the study is the following: the globalization process and the interdependence of economies have weakened, and regardless of the results of the presidential elections, regardless of whether the United States will continue to pursue a policy of protectionism and conduct "trade wars", whether the crisis of 2020-2021 predicted by UNCTAD and IMF will come true, the EU and the US willbe forced to seek compromises and revise the conditions for reformatting the failed TTIP.
Abstract: Relations between Japan and the United States have shown significant changes in recent years. Although the main attention has been focused on the strategic and military aspects of these relations, mutual trade and investment, related policies and regulation attract more of the attention of the political elites of the two countries.
The tensions between the two countries on this issue have a long history. However, they greatly intensified since President D. Trump moved into the White House. The 2019 trade negotiations and the conclusion of a limited trade agreement between the two countries did not result in a comprehensive settlement of conflicting approaches and stands on specific issues. The rising confrontation between the United States and China amid the spread of novel coronavirus epidemic in early 2020 alleviated tensions over Japan-US trade issues by temporarily removing them from the focus of attention of the US presidential administration. Nevertheless, soon they will again become hot issues in the agenda of bilateral relations in the larger context of the US trade policy.
In Japan, fears are growing that long-term shifts in the worldview and attitudes of the American political elite pose new threats and create new difficulties for realizing Japan's interests. Of greatest concern is the erosion in the mind of the US elites of the established commitment to further liberalize global and regional international trade and investment through multilateral agreements and institutions. Trump administration’s policy versus main trade partners has shifted towards working out and revising bilateral agreements designed to make American foreign trade more manageable and balanced, and it well may represent part of a long-term change and continue irrespective of the outcome of the US presidential election.
The changes that have occurred in Japan-US relations regarding mutual economic ties confirm the general tendency of the international trade and investment system to become more fragmented, shifting from multilateral global and regional platforms to ad hoc agreements with clearly defined national goals and priorities.
A possible change of political leadership in both countries will not change these processes, which reflect both the characteristic features of the world perception by national elites and the objective interests of influential business groups. At the same time, trade and investment policy is increasingly affected by non-economic factors, mostly “national security” considerations. This increases the role of diplomatic maneuvering and other levers and forms of influence in regulating trade and investment flows, and business environment for national and multinational companies.
Abstract: The article reviews through chronological analysis key issues in US-Canadian relations in the context of new trade agreement USMCA replacing NAFTA during Trump's presidency. It identifies a new model of relations between the closest North American partners in the context of a new paradigm which is called “America First”. This model leads to a crisis the US-Canadian relations, which is aggravated by the increased partisan rivalry in light of the upcoming US presidential elections, the impeachment process initiated in the House of Representatives.
The article comes to the following conclusions. The evolutionary development of the free trade agreement (NAFTA), its rejection and acceptance of the USMCA preferential agreement is a gradual and consistent process of protecting North American countries from global market, which started during the presidency of George W. Bush and continued by the subsequent American presidents. This is also connected with the trade war between the United States and China, that was repeatedly emphasized both in the US Administration and in the Congress during D. Trump's presidency. The United States-Canadian relations have worsened significantly, although the countries' leaders do not recognize it publicly during the agreement's preparation and its ratification, for almost three years. The USMCA agreement is not a final version, subject to further ratification. It took more than a year for the parties to find compromise solutions on the USMCA with the protocols' preparation to the agreement and its submission to the national parliaments. Moreover, in the agreed version, the USMCA agreement meets primarily the interests of the United States. The US pressure on Canada was unprecedented. As a result, we should expect the continued growth of political and trade contradictions between the United States and Canada, as well as the revision and addition of new additional agreements in the USMCA agreement.
Abstract: After the reform of the world monetary system in 1971, the competition between countries for the global market is taking place in completely new conditions. Monetary and fiscal authorities have accumulated vast experience in regulating the economy and strengthening country competitive advantages through complex mechanisms of quantitative easing, foreign exchange rates manipulation, increasing debts, etc. Overcoming the consequences of the financial crises of the 21st century every time forces monetary regulators to implement increasingly radical measures in order to save the economy by injecting enormous amounts of liquidity into the market to buy out bad corporate debts as well as government debt securities. At the same time, the questions of how monetary policy affects the level of economic inequality and who is its beneficiary are becoming more relevant.
The article seeks to analyze the impact of changes in monetary policy parameters on wealth inequality in the United States. Given the cyclical nature of economic inequality, the main method of research was chosen as a graphical statistical analysis, since it allows to identify trends effectively and keep in focus more than 100-year picture of changes in the analyzed indicators. For a more holistic picture, the dynamics of economic wealth inequality level were compared not only with key indicators of monetary policy, but also with the dynamics of marginal tax rates in US.
One conclusion of the research is that wealth inequality depends more on fiscal adjustment and marginal tax rates than on monetary factors. Inadequate marginal income and inheritance tax rates are factors of rising of wealth inequality in US. Changing of monetary system settings also influences on the level of wealth inequality, because it affects the valuation of financial assets, and therefore the wealth of the richest people in US. Another important conclusion is the idea that the new monetary policy, despite all fears that it is a source of growing economic inequality, is acceptable with marginal income and inheritance tax rates of about 60% and with effective macroprudential regulation of US economy.
Abstract: The article gives a description of the sociocultural organization of Russia and the peculiarities of its geopolitical position in the system of international relations of the early modern period. Questions were raised about the reasons for the rapid territorial expansion of the Russian state in the second half of the 15-17 centuries, as well as its high competitiveness in foreign policy both in relations with its western neighbors and in the eastern direction.
For the states of Western Europe with the beginning of their modernization, modern age has come, however “Muscovy” in the 15-17 centuries remained a medieval country. At the same time, it not only did not share the fate of many eastern powers with a traditional way, which turned into the 17th-19th centuries in the colony and semi-colony, but also, on the contrary, it led a successful colonial expansion and demonstrated externally the almost synchronous trends in state building that were inherent in the Western European countries.
The author believes that the patrimonial structure of the sociocultural system of the Russian state in the 15-17 centuries contributed to the mobilization of internal material and human resources, coupled with an early superficial “Europeanization” (regular borrowing the military, technical, and cultural experience of modernizing Western Europe), ensured Russia's competitiveness in the world. Since the emergence of the united Moscow state, Russia has developed as a land empire.
However, the strategic national task of Russia was not to preserve the medieval patrimony, but to create the prerequisites for its modernization. Amid the socio-economic development, which is characteristic of all countries with a patrimonial structure, that could have started only by transferring the center of Russian extensive agriculture to the southern fertile lands. This would free part of the population of the non-chernozem center for trade and industrial activities. But the transfer of the agrarian center to the south was restrained by the constant military danger from the Wild Field, which was part of the Horde, and then the Crimean Khanate, backed until the end of the 18 century by the Ottoman Empire, perceiving the Black Sea with its “inland lake”. As a result, the struggle for the Black Sea and Crimea to become a part of Russia, as well as the overcoming the patrimonial order, becomes a matter of civilizational success or failure of Russia in the context of world history.
Abstract: The article analyzes a number of the most important trends, proportions and factors of the economic and social development of the Arab countries over the past four decades, associated with the modern stage of globalization, against the background of other countries and a deeper retrospective view. It reveals the extent of Arab countries’ convergence, as well as divergence in the levels of technological, economic and social development with/from leading regions and countries of the developing world and economically advanced states. With all the considerable differentiation that exists between Arab countries in the 1980-2010s, in contrast to a number of other countries and regions of the East and South, the Arab world on the whole has suffered from a significant slowdown in the dynamics of per capita GDP, total factor productivity, human development index and augmented development index.
These trends, according to the author’s calculations, are determined not only and not so much by high population growth rates, but by the limited nature of economic and institutional reforms that affect the degree of diversification of production and export structures, share of investments in physical and human capital in GDP, and the quality of labor. Moreover, according to new data and author’s calculations, the level of inequality in income distributionin the Arab world is one of the highest in the world. This and other factors, including geopolitical ones, as well as the increasing number of so-called “failing states” in the region have brought about an increase in socio-political tensions, which is comparable, and even exceeding the level that existed a decade ago, when the Arab Spring phenomenon arose.Under pandemic and global crisis, the economic and social situation in a number of Arab countries is markedly getting worse. In order to ease tensions in the region it is high time to implement a number of reforms aimed at mitigating inequality and simultaneously increasing the purchasing power of the population and expanding domestic markets as well as creating much more favorable investment climate.
Abstract: The article analyzes the reasons that prompted the Arab states to consolidate their efforts and create the League of Arab States. Attention is focused on the deep differences that existed between the states that came forward with the idea of strengthening Arab unity and determined the nature of this regional organization and the features of its charter, which provided its members with the opportunity to preserve their political system, sovereignty and the specifics of foreign policy.
The heterogeneous nature of LAS had an impact on its the goals and objectives. The focus of this organization was to protect pan-Arab interests and support all Arab states in achieving political independence.
The aggravation of the situation in Palestine after the Second World War became a central item on the agenda of all the Arab League meetings. This organization indicated its position on the Palestinian issue in the preparatory period for its official proclamation. The article discusses the activities of the Arab League, aimed at introducing a complete boycott of Israel, which, amid expansion of the Arab League, other Arab states also joined. The Arab-Israeli conflict, due to the targeted efforts of the Arab League, consolidated the Arab geopolitical community and contributed to the formation of a national Arab identity. The LAS in its documents built a common Arab narrative, having two underpinnings: the recognition of the Palestinian Arab people as a victim of the Western powers and Zionists, as well as foreign policy of Israel.
The article traces the relationship between the activities of the Arab League and the changes that have occurred in the regional and international environment. The gradual transition of the Arab League to the search for a political settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict was influenced by the emergence of a new balance of power in the Middle East region, as well as the gradual transformations of a new system of international relations.
The further demarcation of the Arab countries that occurred after the mass protests in 2011 influenced the activities of the Arab League, which tried to maintain Arab unity by using the traditional tool – the unresolved Arab-Israeli conflict. The LAS member-states should have taken a pan-Arab stance on the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict in order to preserve national identity. The refusal of all Arab League members to accept the American settlement plan, proposed by D. Trump administration in early 2020, was a confirmation that this regional organization retains its position as a defender of Arab unity and pan-Arab interests.
Abstract: After D. Trump came to power it started developing a new US Middle East policy, based on the regional threat assessment, such as the unstable political situation in a number of regional countries, radical regimes, terrorism, especially ISIS. In addition, the most important task for the Trump administration was to try to regain lost US influence in the region, which resulted in the so-called "strategy of sufficient presence" and in the support of regional allies, "centers of power" such as Israel.
A distinctive feature of D. Trump's policy in the region can be considered a change in rhetoric regarding the Iranian nuclear program up to the introduction of new economic sanctions. Moreover, the American approach to the settlement of the Syrian crisis is connected with the prevention of the growing influence of Iran and Russia in the region.
American-Turkish relations also underwent significant changes, which were very tense until 2017. The states managed to find common ground on a number of issues of international politics. However, the situation is still significantly complicated by American support for the Kurds in their quest for autonomy.
Trump's ratings at home are falling, and therefore there is a possibility that Trump will lose the upcoming presidential elections to his opponent D. Biden. However, trying to predict the prospects of the US Middle East policy in the event of D. Biden's victory, the authors came to the conclusion that it will not undergo significant changes, except for the nuclear deal with Iran. The key tasks of American foreign policy will remain the fight against terrorism, countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and the search for likeminded states in the region.
Abstract: The article analyzes the reasons that prompted the Arab states to consolidate their efforts and create the League of Arab States. Attention is focused on the deep differences that existed between the states that came forward with the idea of strengthening Arab unity and determined the nature of this regional organization and the features of its charter, which provided its members with the opportunity to preserve their political system, sovereignty and the specifics of foreign policy.
The heterogeneous nature of LAS had an impact on its the goals and objectives. The focus of this organization was to protect pan-Arab interests and support all Arab states in achieving political independence.
The aggravation of the situation in Palestine after the Second World War became a central item on the agenda of all the Arab League meetings. This organization indicated its position on the Palestinian issue in the preparatory period for its official proclamation. The article discusses the activities of the Arab League, aimed at introducing a complete boycott of Israel, which, amid expansion of the Arab League, other Arab states also joined. The Arab-Israeli conflict, due to the targeted efforts of the Arab League, consolidated the Arab geopolitical community and contributed to the formation of a national Arab identity. The LAS in its documents built a common Arab narrative, having two underpinnings: the recognition of the Palestinian Arab people as a victim of the Western powers and Zionists, as well as foreign policy of Israel.
The article traces the relationship between the activities of the Arab League and the changes that have occurred in the regional and international environment. The gradual transition of the Arab League to the search for a political settleme maintain Arab unity by using the traditional tool – the unresolved Arab-Israeli conflict. The LAS member-states should have taken a pan-Arab stance on the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict in order to preserve national identity. The refusal of all Arab League members to accept the American settlement plan, proposed by D. Trump administration in early 2020, was a confirmation that this regional organization retains its position as a defender of Arab unity and pan-Arab interests.
Abstract: The article examines theoretical and practical aspects of the activities of Muslim banks in the countries of Eurasia in the first half of the 20th century. These credit institutions were created on the initiative of Muslim entrepreneurs who sought to have an affordable source of financing for their activities. Muslim banks were an important element of the financial system of a number of countries during the era of colonialism. In the context of competition in the capital markets between Western banks and credit institutions belonging to different religious and ethnic groups, as well as competition of the latter with each other, Muslim banks acted as an instrument for ensuring the economic independence of Muslim communities in a number of countries and regions in the period under review. After the countries of Asia gained independence, Muslim banks were transformed into ordinary national banks.
The activities of Muslim banks are considered in the article against the background of discussions on the admissibility of loan-based banking operations in the context of the prohibition of usury (riba) in Islamic law. The article emphasizes that Muslim banks in their activities relied on the theological and legal conclusions (fatwas) of Islamic scholars who considered such activities legitimate and not falling under the Quranic concept of usury.
The author adheres to the point of view that the creation of an independent state or nationalterritorial / national-cultural autonomy of Muslims was a natural result of the struggle of the Muslim bourgeoisie with competitors for the markets for goods and services in a number of countries and regions, considering both Muslim and Islamic banks only as a certain stage in the development of banking in a number of countries in Asia, Africa and Europe.
The article disputes the idea that both Islamic banks and the Islamic economic model as a whole are monolithic structures that cannot be modified. According to the author, the very creation of Islamic banks, as well as their convergence with conventional (non-Islamic) credit institutions, which we observe today, is a natural result of a change in the economic interests of the ruling class both in the countries of the spread of Islam and in the Western world.
The article examines the history of the creation of Muslim banks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in British India. These regions are brought together by the fact that Muslims who lived there were forced to compete with representatives of other ethno-confessional groups and communities living in the same territory. Particular attention is paid to the theological and legal discussions on the creation of a Muslim bank in Russia.
CR Express containerised rail transport between Europe and China is a flagship project of China’s “Belt and Road”. Yet operational and financial details of the project remain scarce. Due to poor governance and logistics transparency, the actual quantity of containers and goods transported is essentially unknowable. The authors doubt the efficacy of the CR Express intercontinental rail system and test its real and possible capacity throughputs. In the article they compare China public media statements with European Union statistics and reveal discrepancies between the number of trains supposedly departing China and the number of trains arriving in the European Union. This article provides numerous data sources and estimates on China–Europe rail freight traffic and demonstrates that the actual transported quantity of goods is probably lower than anticipated or reported. The article also analyses the political development of the CR Express rail freight system and China’s wider “Transport Power” policy. It concludes that while the political concept of the CR Express rail freight system is progressive, and the economic development of creating new cumulative causation systems is theoretically possible, that the evidence for actual economic use is underwhelming. This research helps European Union, Russian, and Central Asian policymakers better assess the viability of participating in the continued rollout of China’s CR Express intercontinental rail freight system. The authors warn that while the CR Express system has potential to be an economic good for Central Asian development it exposes the Eurasian economies to China's political and financial risk. For China the CR Express system fulfils only geopolitical and geoeconomic functions, and ultimately participation in the policy is of minimal utility to European Union economies.
Abstract: The article considers the system of foreign policy expertise as an independent subject of research. The authors note the positive aspects of competitive analysis of the external nvironment, which allows one to level out the asymmetry of political and economic cultures within a given country, as well as to smooth out the personal interests. This ensures a variability of approaches in foreign policy decision-making, which ultimately contributes to the promotion of balanced national interests. The North American approach differs in preferences, methodological trends, forms of theoretical ethnocentrism and various forms of social construction. The European scholars and experts in foreign policy analysis use the theory of international relations much more extensively than their North American counterparts.
Based on the analysis, we propose to use a comprehensive integrated method, developed in the Russian Diplomatic Academy, using an interdisciplinary approach based on elements of political psychology, sociology of management, international law, structural, functional and institutional approaches, etc. We also propose to use virtual cognitive centers and methodologies, which not only contain a specific sequence of stages of predicting the development of the international situation, but also provide an opportunity to choose methods of Foresight, taking into account the existing time, human resources and financial constraints, and the possibility of their adaptation to the applied tasks of analytical and prognostic activities of federal authorities in the field of foreign policy.
Abstract: In the 1960s when it first appeared as a concept public diplomacy was defined very broadly as the impact of a state on a foreign audience. In the 21st century changes in the political organization of the world have led to the strengthening of the social power a state, as well as to the expansion of the means and methods of its use to influence foreign audiences. A new state practice was developed – state policy in the field of international communication. Public diplomacy is only one of the directions of this policy. However, as a result of the initially very broad definition of public diplomacy, it has come to be identified in scientific literature with propaganda, strategic communication, and national branding. The tools developed in related fields – military, commercial – has its own specifics. The article shows that association of these activities with public diplomacy is wrong both in theoretical and practical terms, since it does not allow choosing the appropriate tools of influence for a specific situation. It is argued that under public diplomacy it is still advisable to understand such state communication with a foreign audience, which, firstly, is based on creating attractiveness, secondly, which is focused specifically on the political sphere, and thirdly, it involves dialogue. Comparative analysis of public policy in the field of international communication from different spheres will allow us to better understand the specifics and mechanisms that work in each of these areas. In the middle of the 20th century, non-state actors had not yet entered the international arena en masse, and structures that were “trackers” of state policy were included in public diplomacy in its unofficial channels. Today the situation is much more complicated: along with “trackers” within the framework of unofficial channels of public diplomacy, there are actors of world politics who have significant independence in the world arena and often pursue state policy at their own discretion. As a result, there is often a duplication of certain points, which may be perceived by the external audience as annoying, and on the contrary, there may be contradictions in the actions of various actors of the same state. In any case, in order to somehow reduce such negative effects, it is necessary to study the activities of non-state actors (first of all, actors, and not just “trackers”) of public diplomacy. Also, International Relations (in contrast to other fields of political science) does not study official channels of public diplomacy, including briefings for journalists by various state officials, especially interaction with an external audience through websites, social networks, etc. It is obvious that this subject area should attract the attention of researchers of International Relations to a greater extent than it is observed today.
Abstract: The image of the global aviation industry is dramatically changing. This derives in the first instance from dynamic development of the military and civil aircraft market, where a significant growth in demand and an increase in airliner deliveries over the next 15 years by at least 80% was forecasted. Aircraft manufacturers' revenues in services business, including maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO) are boosting, too. All this provide favorable conditions for the development of new production technologies in the aviation sector, including Additive Manufacturing (AM) and Augmented Reality (AR). Though the research and development in the field of AM an AR began in the 1980s, only in the last decade AM and AR technologies have reached the necessary level of maturity to be widely used in design, manufacturing and assembly processes in aeronautics, including civil and military aircraft. There are good prospects for their use in aircraft’ maintenance, repair and overhaul as well. The transition from the initial period of formation of AM and AR technologies to the stage of technological growth and rapid development of relevant markets is evidenced by a number of factors. First of all, they include establishment of "dominant" technological designs based on AM and AR (certified additive production methods, new materials based on AM and machines for their production, special Augmented Reality headsets, etc.), as well as beginning of serial production of many AM-components and AR-platforms for the aviation industry. The participation of major aircraft manufacturers such as Boeing and Airbus in AM and AR R&D projects, the formation of "new" supply chains, the development of public-private partnerships (e.g. NAMII in the U.S.), as well as the formation of consortia and alliances of companies that develop and produce systems and parts for aircraft based on additive technologies and augmented reality, are also indicators of the transition to a new stage of development of these technologies and markets.
Abstract: Ensuring the accessibility of education based on the development of online learning as one of the tasks of the global educational policy is acquiring key importance today. This task is complicated by different levels of economic development of countries and digital divide, problems of modernization of national education systems in the context of the spread of IT technologies. The development of education is closely related to technological advances (artificial intelligence, augmented and virtual reality, robotics), but such changes are not actively manifested in education due to its conservatism, and are also associated with the level of development of countries and access to new technologies for citizens. An analysis of investment activity in the education sector shows that investors are wary of financing the development of education and, in particular, online education, but trends over the past five years show a fourfold increase in total investment. The article concludes that: 1) despite the emergence of both universal and specialized educational online platforms, they cannot create an individual trajectory for acquiring knowledge and mastering competencies, as this can still be done on the basis of classical university education; 2) online platforms broadens the choice among the many offered educational programs and courses, however objectivity of this choice tends to be decreasing.
Abstract: The COVID-19 coronavirus infection has made significant adjustments to the management of the health care system, both in Russia and abroad. Different models of financing health systems in different ways responded to the management in emergency situations. According to experts, systems with a state-based socially oriented model of health care were more effective. At the same time, opinions were divided on the effectiveness of the insurance model for financing medical organizations that provide different types of medical care to the population. The article analyzes measures to provide medical organizations with financial and material and technical resources in countries with different economic models of the health system, and on the example of outpatient clinics in Moscow, compares changes in the main financial indicators in the first half of 2020 and assesses the financial stability of medical organizations during the period of restrictions on preventing the spread of COVID-19 coronavirus infection. The hypothesisis that financial condition of polyclinics during the period of restrictions has improved. It is based on the assumption that declining number of visits to medical organizations reduces the level of organizations’ expenditures while maintaining the volume of their income at almost the same level due to the principle of per capita state financing of medical organizations that provide outpatient medical care. Based on the results of the analysis, it is concluded that the financial stability of adult polyclinics is maintained and the financial stability of children's polyclinics is increased.
BOOK REVIEWS
Abstract: Review of the paper by Nozal A.L., Martin N., Murtin F. The economy of well-being: creating opportunities for people’s well-being and economic growth. OECD. 2019.
Abstract: This article is a review of the talk: Peace to Prosperity: A Vision to Improve the Lives of the Palestinian and Israeli People. Washington: The White House, January 29, 2020.181 p.
ISSN 2541-9099 (Online)