The article aims to reveal particularities of cancel culture in politics and international relations using methods of sociology and conflict theory. Deriving from previous research of cancel culture, authors define cancel culture as non-institutionalized form of social control that is implemented through mass mobilization in social media. After informal pressure the formal punishment could follow against those who break norms or behavior expectations. As a kind of social control cancel culture could contribute to overcoming gap between manifested values and social practices, preserving social order and fighting elitism and inequality. At the same time cancel culture could be used as instrument of unfair competition, political struggle and suppression of opinions. Comparison of cancel culture cases in the USA, United Kingdom and Russia allows to conclude that the scale and effectiveness of collective actions depend on national context, different systems of norms and values and cultural practices to react on violation of values and norms.

In politics and international relations cancel culture manifests as an addition to actions of formal political institutions, and it aims to undermine authority and reputation of a politician. It is important that in politics and international relations cancel culture is an instrument of informal control, which follows formal sanctions. Conclusions about the nature of cancel culture as an instrument of politics helps to understand better its functions in regard to attempts to “cancel” Russia. Cancel culture adds to formal sanctions and aims to isolate the country, to undermine its legitimacy as international actor. In regard to Russia the efforts are made to “cancel” it on two levels: formal – by sanctions and informal – via rejection to cooperate coming from various professional communities. In both cases countries and respective communities have their own understanding of norms and acceptable means and tools, and thus cancel culture becomes a toll of collective punishment. International relations lack universal understanding of norms and single center of political power, so that causes selective usage of instruments to impact, and thus cancel culture becomes an instrument of political struggle.

Education is one of Russia's instruments of foreign policy aimed at fostering humanitarian cooperation. Currently, the primary focus is on higher education, while the significance of exporting general education is undervalued. State support measures for existing Russian overseas schools, in accordance with the concepts of "Russian School Abroad" and "Key Directions of Russia's Policy in the Field of International Cultural and Humanitarian Cooperation," are primarily directed toward Russian-speaking compatriots and have little orientation toward broader segments of foreign populations. At the same time, the Concept of the Humanitarian Policy of the Russian Federation Abroad, dated September 5, 2022, explicitly emphasizes the need to expand the network of Russian schools abroad. This article examines a project to establish a network of Russian international schools targeting foreign citizens in a consortium format as a case study that could serve as a model for addressing the stated objective. Particular attention is paid to the socio-political, methodological, and organizationalpedagogical aspects of the project.

The withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan in the middle of 2021 has put at stake and turned to shock the world community. The world, which was fighting COVID-19, faced more concerns about the US withdrawal from Afghanistan. It became not only a concern of Middle East countries, but it raised questions in Europe too. While the Middle East countries were anxious about security issues in the region, Europe was anxious about the mass migration of refugees. Russia, the country which is crucially interested in stable peace in the Middle East, and China, which is cooperating with Afghanistan in the economic sector, began negotiations with the Taliban government to stabilize the situation peacefully after the withdrawal of American troops.

The article analyzes the changes in US policy in Afghanistan after the withdrawal of troops in August 2021. The withdrawal of the US military contingent from Afghanistan has changed the balance of power in Central Asia, which, on the one hand, creates new risks to international security, and on the other hand, opens up new opportunities for interested players in the international arena in the region. In the new conditions, the United States is forced to restructure its policy towards Afghanistan and change its security strategy in accordance with the new balance of forces in the region. The findings of the study relate to the actual interests of the United States in the field of security in Afghanistan and in the Central Asian region as a whole.

The January 2022 protests in Kazakhstan drew global attention to the country's foreign policy orientations. This research investigates the focal states and international organizations prioritized by Kazakhstan during Kassym-Jomart Tokayev's presidency, spanning from March 20, 2019, when Tokayev assumed office, to December 31, 2022, marking the end of data collection. Employing content analysis and discourse analysis as primary methods, this study examines data from diverse sources, including the official website of Kazakhstan's President, his social media profiles, and relevant media outlets. The analysis encompasses mentions of countries, their leaders, and international organizations across three languages: Russian, Kazakh, and English.

Key findings include Tokayev's frequent references to Russia (223 mentions) and China (95 mentions), while the United Nations (UN) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) receive the highest number of mentions among international organizations (178 and 102, respectively). Remarkably, Tokayev predominantly communicates in Russian when addressing foreign policy matters.

In general, public discourse aligns closely with Kazakhstan's doctrinal discourse. However, notable discrepancies arise. Despite the Foreign Policy Concept's indication of Kazakhstan's intent to strengthen its strategic partnership with the United States, Tokayev's limited mentions of the United States (33 in total) suggest a distinct trend.

This article delves into the intricate domain of the European Union's intelligence apparatus, notably, the European Union Intelligence and Situation Centre (EU INTCEN). Employing a historiographical analysis of both domestic and international literature, the authors synthesize insights from Russian and foreign scholars concerning the genesis of intelligence operations in a unified Europe, focusing on their structural attributes. Furthermore, this study seeks to evaluate the contemporary state and potential directions of the EU's intelligence activities, considering both their functional and institutional dimensions.

In recent decades, a predominant trend in the transformation of national economies worldwide has been the extensive establishment of global value chains and the increased activities of transnational corporations (TNCs). Despite the scale of these phenomena, they have not received adequate scholarly attention, both at the level of individual countries and on a global scale. This paper presents the results of a comprehensive analysis that combines theoretical approaches with empirical investigations of the interplay between the formation and vigorous expansion of global value chains and the dynamics of national economic transformation worldwide. This relationship is examined in the context of foreign multinational corporations operating in sectors such as chemistry and pharmaceuticals, electronics, electrical equipment, and the automotive industry.
To achieve the objectives of this study, a range of complementary research methods were employed, including descriptive analysis, comparative analysis, generalization and grouping techniques, and cartographic analysis. The study yields several key findings:

Firstly, a global trend of progressive reduction in the share of domestic producers within the industries under consideration has been observed. This trend is most conspicuous in the countries of the former socialist bloc in Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Romania. These countries previously maintained domestic production levels exceeding 50% of the total volume for the specific product types.

Secondly, the field of automobile production exhibits the highest proportion of foreign companies contributing to the total volume of products manufactured. In 33 out of the 58 countries analyzed, foreign multinational corporations account for more than 50% of production. Thirdly, a selection of countries in Western Europe, the Middle East, and the Asia-Pacific region—such as Germany, Italy, France, Israel, the USA, China, Japan, the Russian Federation, India, and Korea—play a substantial role in the development of global value chains through the active expansion of their national TNCs. International companies from these countries are progressively shaping a global socio-economic framework.

Lastly, recent years have seen the emergence of a new stage in the evolution of global value chains, prompted by exceptional factors such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the trade conflict between China and the United States, and the conflict in Ukraine. This stage necessitates a profound reconsideration of the strategies employed by current participants in global chains, driven by the imperative of preserving their sustainability.

Book review: Berling T.V., Gad U.P., Petersen K.L. and Wæver O. 2022. Translations of Security:
A Framework for the Study of Unwanted Futures. Routledge. 235 p.

Book review: MacDonald S.B. 2022. The New Cold War, China, and the Caribbean: Economic Statecraft, China and Strategic Realignments. Springer Nature Switzerland AG. 310 р. DOI: 10.1007/978-3-031-06149-3