The article delves into the historical context of cross-border radio broadcasting during the 1930s by the League of Nations (LN) and the significant impact of Switzerland's neutrality as the host country on this international organization. Drawing from the recently digitized and accessible LN archive in Geneva, this narrative unveils a minor conflict of interest that evolved into a notable political crisis, marking an international legal precedent by showcasing the influence wielded by a smaller host nation upon a global organization. The architects of the League of Nations envisioned Geneva as an ideal hub for the organization's activities, complete with modern communication technologies for global outreach. However, Switzerland's neutral stance posed an obstacle to the establishment of the League's radio broadcasting infrastructure. Recognizing the absence of robust emergency communications, transport links, and the absence of a dedicated radio station in Geneva during the mid-1920s, the LN sought an agreement with the Radio-Swiss station. Consequently, the LN's own radio station, Radio-Nations, commenced broadcasting on February 2, 1932, coinciding with the start of the Conference on the Reduction and Limitation of Arms. By May 1938, amidst mounting tensions in Europe, Switzerland chose to assert complete neutrality within the League. Discussions within the Federal Council revolved around the possibility of suspending the agreement made on May 21, 1930, along with the support for Radio-Nations. Unexpectedly, on November 3, 1938, the LN leadership in Geneva expressed a desire to re-evaluate the 1930 convention. The outbreak of World War II drastically reshaped the relationship between the LN and Radio-Nations. Switzerland decided against entering into a new agreement with the LN, leading to the closure of Radio-Nations on February 2, 1942. Maintaining the nation's neutrality, the Swiss government vigilantly observed the unfolding events during the war. During the peak of Nazi Germany's advances, Bern adopted stringent measures against the LN, upholding a resolute diplomatic stance. However, the Swiss stance toward the LN and the division of Radio-Nations’ ownership gradually shifted from 1943, culminating in the resolution of several financial matters. Ultimately, in 1947, the LN's liquidation commission transferred the remaining assets of Radio-Nations and its radio waves to the United Nations.

At the close of 1979, the United States encountered a critical need to realign its Middle East strategy in the wake of the capture of the American Embassy in Tehran by supporters of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah R. Khomeini on November 4, and the subsequent deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan on December 25. Faced with the challenges presented by the Iranian and Afghan crises, the United States' analytical, intelligence, and military bodies navigated various resources in search of viable solutions.

This study delves into the consideration of the Kurdish factor as a potential instrument in shaping the regional landscape. The National Security Council (NSC), State Department, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the US Department of Defense all scrutinized the Kurdish movement, evaluating its prospects for advancing American interests. Drawing from documents obtained from the State Department, National Security Council, and CIA, this article tracks the evolution of US policy concerning the Kurdish movement and its utility in realizing Washington's strategic objectives during the most critical phases of the Iran and Afghanistan crises.

The analysis underscores the fundamental flaw in the initial evaluation of events in Afghanistan and Iran, misinterpreting them as a calculated move within a Soviet strategy to extend influence into the Persian Gulf region. This misconception was the primary cause of the Carter administration's failure in utilizing the Kurds as a counterforce against the Khomeini regime and its erroneous perceptions of the Iranian political regime's vulnerabilities. Inconsistencies in Washington's relationship with Tehran hindered the formulation of a coherent approach toward the Afghan-Iranian direction.

The article examines the phenomenon of "Islamic socialism" in Pakistan and its impact on the nation's current domestic and foreign policies. Employing critical theory, the author delves into an analysis of the political class's objectives and how the environmental context influenced the political process, offering insights into the perceptions held by higher echelons. The application of elite theory allows for a deconstruction of the Pakistani statehood, unveiling the specific social groups shaping developmental trajectories. By leveraging historical sociology in international relations, the article investigates the influence of historical underpinnings on the decision-making of social groups, shedding light on their endeavors to construct the past for political purposes.

The study meticulously traces the origins of "Islamic socialism," exploring the discourse's evolution in the initial decades following the country's independence. It identifies the driving forces that led the state leadership to adopt the model of "Islamic socialism." Focused on the tenure of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1971-1977), the article examines the implementation of the "Islamic socialism" policy and the subsequent reasons for its failure, culminating in a military coup. The author contends that the principles of "Islamic socialism" introduced in Pakistan's domestic and foreign policy retained relevance even after its rejection.

Conclusively, the article posits that the "Islamic socialism" constructed by Pakistani elites, often viewed through an orientalist lens, emerged not only as a response to the crisis in Pakistani statehood but paradoxically, became a crucial driver in shaping Islamabad's foreign policy determinants. Notably, this development forged integral relationships with China and the Islamic world, evolving into pivotal imperatives in Pakistan's grand strategy.

This study highlights the interplay between "Islamic socialism," the crisis in Pakistani statehood, and its unforeseen impact on foreign policy, ultimately forming the bedrock for Islamabad's strategic engagements with China and the Islamic world.

The paper examines water security in the Caspian region and the management of transboundary rivers for sustainable development. It analyzes the potential impacts of building dams on upper river courses on the region's water resources, particularly addressing concerns about environmental implications due to pollution from sources like sewage and agricultural fertilizers.

It further investigates planned dam projects and their potential climate and ecological effects on the Caspian Sea and surrounding regions. The paper discusses the idea of desalination as a means to tackle water shortages but underscores its limitations in the closed hydrological system of the Caspian Sea.

The primary focus lies in establishing effective management strategies for shared water resources. It introduces a novel perspective by considering these rivers and the Caspian Sea as an integrated water system, emphasizing the far-reaching consequences that excessive dam construction could pose to the overall hydrological balance. Collaboration and international agreements are crucial to navigate this challenge.
The paper's significance lies in its innovative approach to water management, addressing the complex interplay between water, energy, food, and the environment in the region.

The article examines the political potential of Latin American countries in bolstering their influence within the Indo-Pacific region (IP). It delves into the Indo-Pacific concept, championed internationally by India and Japan, as an alternative viewpoint in contrast to the predominant orientation towards China as the regional leader in the Asia-Pacific region. Carlos Exudé's "Peripheral Realism" provides the theoretical framework for the study, although Latin American states strive to move beyond their peripheral status.

The focus is on four Pacific coastal countries in Latin America: Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Chile. It identifies key areas of cooperation between these nations and major players in the IP such as India, Japan, South Korea, and Australia. Chile and Peru have established a more robust transpacific partnership compared to their neighbors. However, Mexico possesses a significant advantage due to its unique geographical position intersecting the Atlantic and Pacific routes.
Colombia, along with Mexico, Chile, and Peru, formed the Pacific Alliance, an integration association that emphasizes closer ties with Asian countries. Over its decade-long existence, this Alliance has significantly increased in both economic and political significance. The article highlights the pivotal role of this alliance in fostering Asian-Latin American trade and entrepreneurship.

The study also delves into the prospects of integrating the two regions by extending the reach of Pacific economic megablocks (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, Trans-Pacific Partnership) to Latin America. After the ratification of the TPP by Mexico, Peru, and Chile, an agreement that unites all four Pacific Ocean continents for the first time emerged. The advent of the RCEP, which includes powerful economies such as China, South Korea, and Japan, demonstrates a clear global shift from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from West to East. The inclusion of Latin American countries in these processes is poised to advance their regional and global interests on the international stage.

Recent years have seen a substantial increase in remittances from diaspora communities to their home countries, prompting developing economies to establish and enhance institutional mechanisms. These mechanisms aim to channel and leverage the emotional connections of emigrants to their native lands for economic purposes. This article concentrates on the influence of migrant remittances on the formulation of diaspora policies in Africa. It closely examines two clusters encompassing a total of 8 states recognized as leaders in terms of migrant remittances’ share in GDP and their absolute value, respectively. The article evaluates three primary categories of tools and practices that structure diaspora cooperation: formal institutional means, economic tools, and socio-cultural practices. The research applies a neo-institutional approach, conceiving diaspora policy as a network of interconnected practices across various spheres. By comparing cases within and between these clusters, it demonstrates diverse approaches to developing diaspora cooperation mechanisms. Additionally, the authors outline the most promising pathways for advancing diaspora policies while identifying existing barriers.

They advocate for the establishment of distinct platforms for diaspora representation, deepening cooperation between origin and host states, and extending certain diaspora policy mechanisms to subnational and supranational levels. However, the development of diaspora politics in the examined cases is impeded by insufficient resources, weak state institutions, and state reluctance to cede control over their population's interaction with external actors. Despite the prevalent notion that the evolution of diaspora cooperation mechanisms correlates with the volume of migrant remittances, empirical analysis within the African context exposes the explanatory limitations of such a model.

The last decade has seen an increasing focus on the involvement of the private sector in international sustainable development, particularly in high-risk jurisdictions. This involvement encompasses a broad spectrum, incorporating innovative private sector instruments—now acknowledged as ODA-eligible by the OECD—as well as traditional tools of external official support to developing countries, which remain the primary contributors to ODA flows. This literature review aims to consolidate the academic exploration of the enduring classic foreign aid tools' impact on the political risks associated with foreign direct investment (FDI), and identifies prevalent limitations while suggesting approaches to overcome these challenges.
The first section delineates the central theme and rationale behind the literature selection process, utilizing the Google Scholar database to contextualize the research within a comprehensive framework. The subsequent section categorizes and compares the most relevant studies based on formal criteria and methodological parameters. Sections three and four critically assess the scholarly contributions in conceptualizing the mitigating influence of foreign aid in general, focusing on its impact on specific political risks such as expropriation, terrorism, and corruption. The concluding section delves into studies that explore foreign aid and foreign direct investment flows from China, the largest non-Western donor.
A bibliometric analysis reveals a noteworthy disparity between research attention and policymaking focus on the subject matter. Notably, the selected papers fail to comprehensively cover the full spectrum of primary extra-legal and legal-governmental political risks for transnational businesses. Scholars' assessments of foreign aid's mitigating effect often lack differentiation between grants and loans or between flows directed to different sectors, as well as the distinction between aid routed through public institutions and bypassing them. Notably absent is a comprehensive analysis encompassing the complete range of 'established' Western and emerging non-Western aid providers, or an exploration of aid flows from non-OECD countries other than China. Most research focuses on Africa and fails to differentiate between recipients based on fragility, income levels, or other relevant categorizations. Moreover, the researchers have yet to delve into data post the COVID-19 outbreak, a critical period that significantly altered perceptions of political risk, foreign aid, and FDI flows. The literature review illuminates a research gap awaiting substantial exploration.

Book review: Essa A. 2023. Hostile Homelands: The New Alliance Between Israel and India. London. Pluto Press.