Abstract: The Vienna system of international relations established at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, was a real challenge for the French political elite during all subsequent decades. France was a defeated party and was thus morally humiliated. The objective for all French governments after 1815 was to improve the position of France in this new system of international relations, including due to the destabilization and breaking of the Vienna system. In the years of the Restoration in France (1814-1830) a major foreign policy action of the government of Louis XVIII was the intervention in Spain in 1823, which refers to the Spanish revolution of 1820-1823. The French government, reflecting the interests of the European reaction, had hoped to raise these military prestige of France, and consequently to raise the question of the revision of the treatises of Vienna of 1815. Despite the success of the intervention, she has not brought the big political dividends in France. After the July revolution 1830 in France, the foreign policy of France intensified. Leading French politicians defined quite clearly exclusive spheres of influence of France, and in 1832 the French troops invaded Central Italy, capturing the city of Ancona. In 1840, during the second Oriental crisis, the French government has opposed themselves to the rest of Europe for the first time since the Napoleonic wars. Ultimately, the strategic position of France in the middle East was weakened. But the exacerbation of international conflict contributed to the strengthening of the French army and Navy. Further successes of the French diplomacy will be linked to the period of the Second Empire in France, in particular, with the Crimean war, that raised has raised status of France, and the decision of the Italian question in the second half of the 60-ies of the XIX century.

Abstract: Despite the high technological effectiveness of today’s German economy which serves as the «engine» of Europe and the core of the European integration processes, Germany, however, possesses a limited foreign policy leverage in the modern international relations. Gradual restriction of the sovereignty of Germany began during the post-war period due to the strengthening of the European track of U.S. foreign policy. For instance, at this stage Washington takes the responsibility on restoration of the German economic welfare, filling of legal vacuum in West Germany and also initiates cultural and ideological expansion. In the latter case it was an important role played by the American course on the formation of the renewed German nation by means of work with the German youth and the control over the sphere of education. In fact, at the end of the war US authorities started in West Germany experimental project from scratch, since there were no state institutions in postwar Germany in principle. At the same time, German foreign policy takes shape in the 1950s in the spirit of «Atlantic solidarity» as a result of falling into the trap of Euro-Atlantic partnership. Hopes of attainment of foreign policy independence as a result of German reunification did not come true - the United States haven’t yet set Germany free from the sphere of its geopolitical influence. American military forces with nuclear component continue to be based within the territory of Germany. In addition, in the 1990s. Germany finds itself in even deeper trade, investment and financial bondage. The article analyzes the origin of German full-scale dependence on U.S. foreign policy.

Abstract: Crises in Ukraine and the Middle East indicate the existence of deep shifts in the global international relations system. These shifts are much more serious than the widely discussed erosion of the US international monopoly and are related to the global transfer of the world economic and political power center from North Atlantic to the Pacific Basin. Thus quickly collapsing is the world Eurocentric system that has ruled the world since the end of the Fifteenth century. Meanwhile, the Western, and especially the European elites refuse to recognize the scale and the potential consequences of these processes. In particular, their actions are pushing Russia towards China. Retaining stability of the international system would require the recognition by the Global North of the reality of these changes, the return to the acceptance of the state sovereignty concept, and the abandonment of attempts to impose its will on the others under.

From one textbook to another wanders the story about three (sometimes - four) Great debates, which formed the canonical history of the theory of international relations. In reality everything was much more complicated, and the theoretical richness much wider than many times repeated antinomic pairs - realism vs. idealism, traditionalism vs. modernism, rationalism vs. reflectivism The author regards the discussions between different trends of the political thought in the interwar period, which were later called the First "Great Debates", which, according to the author's view were pre-paradigmal.

The article is concerned with interrelationship of policy and culture, in particular N.Machiavelli's political philosophy and its reflection in some short stories by R.Kipling, one of the most recognized representatives of the British imperial thought. Policy and culture have traditionally been considered almost incompatible spheres of human activity as policy tended to become more and more severe, cynical, "dirty", while culture aspired to develop supreme values and perfect ideals. Sometimes the direct confrontation between policy and religion, policy and morals, policy and law, policy and literature, policy and art in the broad sense of the word could occur. The greatest Renaissance masters - Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci, Rafael etc. - actively opposed any evil manifestations: evil ideas, evil words, evil doings, expressing in their masterpieces the highest ideals and values. However, these ideals and values drastically diverged from the reality, political and public relations of the time, the "dirty" policy conducted by the rulers of numerous Italian principalities. It is no coincidence that N.Machiavelli develops his new political philosophy aiming not only to create the strong unitary state, but also to overcome this "dirty" policy at least to a certain extent. Therefore, describing the mechanism of the "dirty" policy that opposes high culture, N.Machiavelli introduces a new political philosophy which should be based on the highest ideals and values. As far as literary art is concerned, one can easily see that such world famous novelists as Kipling, Chekhov, Maupassant and many others reflected in their short stories that very longing for highest values and ideals which are almost absent in political doctrines and political practice. The true policy is necessarily based on the true culture and its values and ideals, whereas the true culture is indispensably connected with the true policy.

The following article should not be dismissed as yet another attempt to construct a renewed round ofrevisionism in history. On the contrary, it aims to explore the possibility of scaling down the dominant Eurocentric epistemology that served as a basis for a stereotypical frame of knowledge about Central Asia. The majority of researchers of the region do not deem the need to review the scale of contradictory clashes created by the notion of Eurocentrism. The latter is reflected in numerous articles about the frozen (and sadly deadlock) dilemma on why and how were the lands of Tajiks, Uzbeks and Kazakhs divided. By publishing conventional analyses on the region's "clumsy separation", experts illustrate their subaltern, narrowly framed by the colonial world, knowledge and hence, remain as gravestones of the Eurocentric methodology. In the process of such explication, the most important role is allocated to the modern culture, which encouraged the formation of the paradox, represented to us via the paraphrased Soviet aphorism: modernity and coloniality are twin brothers. The initiation of the process of decolonizing the mind within the five republics of the region is possible. One of the solutions involves recognizing the integrity of the pluralist-cycled culture and philosophy of the region. The proposed act will allow shrinking the focus on the knowledge within the limited national units and frames (thus, lessening the degree of'fetishism of the national identity'), and rather creating conditions for designing the "bridge", linking different cultures, ideologies and institutional spaces in Central Asia, as a transnational intellectual matrix. The aforementioned theory will provide a basis and structure for empirical facts, and, therefore, drive the researchers from merely constituting to critically thinking, and consequently, inspire to come upon new approaches and fields of study, connecting them with the existing, colonial experiences. It is essential to highlight that based on this, a new dialogue may commence, where Central Asian scholars are regarded as equals to those of other research schools (both within and outside the region).

The present article is dedicated to the analysis of "corruption" from point of view of political practice and political theory. The present article studies historical examples of corruption: corruption during the era of Alexander the Great, Carthage, Roman Republic. The article gives the evolution of the term "corruption", pointing out current aspects of the term. The article provides positive and negative results of corruption, gives resume. The present article analyses corruption results: economical, political and social. Most important economical consequences of corruption are the following: increase of shadow economy, decrease of tax payments, weakening of the state budget, breach of market competition, decrease of market effectiveness, destabilization of the idea of market economy. Most important social consequences of corruption are the following: great distinction between the declared and real values, which creates a "double standard" of the moral and behavior, distraction of great sums from public and humanitarian development, increase of property disproportion, increase of social tension. The present article names most important political consequences of corruption: shift of ideas from public development to the security of power of oligarchy, decrease of trust to the state, decrease of image of the country at the international arena, increase of its economical and political isolation, decrease of political competition. The present article gives one of the resumes that the globalization process increases corruption. Together with globalization most important role is given to corporations and corporate corruption comes to the front raw.

Abstract: The paper discusses in-depth new perspectives in the Holocaust studies. It pays special attention to the spatiality of the Nazi camps and analyzes the Holocaust geographies more in general. It conceptualizes the camp as a ‘space of lawlessness’ that was created by political means of terror and exclusion. The specific spatiality of the Nazi camp was constructed by perpetrators with intentions to neglect both juridical law and moral laws of humanity. To prove this point the author analyzes P. Levi, the survivor of Auschwitz, witness and his prominent books “The Drowned and the Saved” and “If This Is a Man”. After reading his witness one can conclude that two spatial characteristics of the camp have been the most fundamental. The first one were the borders that cut the camp’s inmates from the people lived in the outside world and made impossible all human relations like providing help, solidarity, empathy. The second one was ‘the grey zone’ - a spatial metaphor that P. Levi used to explain all forms of collaboration with the camp authorities. The presence of the ‘grey zone’ as a main characteristic of the Nazi camp allows us to conceptualize it as a ‘space’ where ‘the starry heavens and internal moral law’ were no more present. So, the Nazi camp is a ‘place of indistinction’, a ‘spatial threshold’ where ‘moral’ and ‘immoral’, ‘human’ and ‘animal’, ‘drowned’ and ‘saved’ were no more distinguishable. The author analyzes more broaden Holocaust geographies outside the camp. Nazis used extensively occupied territories in Eastern Europe to perpetrate their crimes. The author concludes that the geographical localization of the Holocaust was an expression of Nazi irrational genocidal intentions and spatial imaginations. Eastern territories have been constructed by Nazis as ‘broaden spaces of exception and lawlessness’. That spatial imagination and planning allowed the perpetrators to neglect juridical and moral laws in reality. The paper concludes by insisting on the importance of the Holocaust legacy for modern humanitarian action and thinking. The Holocaust legacy helps us to conceptualize more precisely ‘new spaces of lawlessness’. It provides a base for the concepts of human security and ‘global responsibility’ for saving humanity in the contemporary world.

Abstract: The article represents a collective research of space identities at the Russian-Chinese border. The authors analyze the space configuration formed at the frontier of Blagoveshensk and Chei-Che regarding it as a social construction. It was an attempt to define the mechanisms of creating space identity at the flexible border marked by fluctuations of economic, political and cultural flows. There is a case of the Chinese town Chei-Che which is more open towards a Russian influence as well as to a deeper integration with the Russian side. Besides, there is a case of Blagoveshensk and its residents’ perception of their Chinese “neighbor”. Two major spatial bases of stateness are traditionally singled out: nation-building and threats to security or, in other words, labeling mental boundaries of community “Us” and actualizing “Others”. Threats to security or, rather, a discourse on them, form “Others” image, on the opposition to which is based nation and its geopolitical code. Existing stable centre-peripheral relations in each country put some thought about the third state-building mechanism - internal “Other”. Interregional differentiation within a state through establishing and maintaining the internal mental boundaries between centre and periphery comprises a mechanism to identify territories which need support to continue to act in compliance with national norms and thereof to facilitate stateness. Russian history could be interpreted as a periodic artificial reproduction of semi-periphery which sets the mental boundaries of internal “Other”. Suburban colonized territories which created an attractive image of Russian state in other territories’ eyes and were funded to the detriment of Russian internal regions became semi-periphery. The research conclusions derive from series field research made in two-cities, during which some sociological and qualitative methods were used. The authors make a conclusion that Blagoveshensk and Chei-Che have two different patterns of space identities determined by official discourse and ordinary perception.

This article is devoted to the schools of strategic thought on Russia in the US expert community. The author suggests and underpins the system to classify US schools of strategic thoughts on Russia. Based o this classification the author extracts intellectuals fields, within which schools of strategic thought emerge and exist. The suggested methodology is retrospectively applied to describe the evolution of US schools of strategic thoughts on Russia in the period after the collapse of the Soviet Union and until the present. The article also dwells on the major contemporary US schools of strategic thought on Russia. Their origins are traced and basic characteristics summarized. Four such schools of thought are suggested, namely - skepticism, alarmism, realism and unconditional cooperation. The author not only describes the schools of thought as such, but also analyses the dynamics of their interactions. The schemes, summarizing the major thesis of the article, must facilitate the reading process. The suggested methodology can be applied by other authors for further analysis of US debates on Russia and US-Russian relations.

In the article, public diplomacy is seen as a set of actions committed by official and unofficial organs of the state, to achieve foreign policy goals through the dissemination of information (disinformation) or create the necessary impact on the ruling circles and the public in foreign countries. According to the authors, public diplomacy has become an integral part of network-centric hybrid war, in which the role of the information against the enemy becomes decisive. At the beginning of the XXI century media, including network, it has become the most important policy tools with which you can achieve the most important goals that were decided before the other (economic, military, financial) policy instruments. Such a sharp increase in the values of the media, as well as a qualitative change in their role in the policy of the XXI century is primarily the result of two processes, the further development of which will be an even greater extent to enhance the value and role of media in politics States - a sharp increase in the value of man, its capacity, firstly, and the technological revolution in the field of science, and second.

The article analyzes the main internal problems of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Particular attention is paid to the conflict of interests of the participating countries, as well as identifying obstacles to strengthen the organization and increase its influence in the international arena. The international organizations are created by the states to meet mutual problems in the course of interstate relations requiring regular cooperation mechanism. Given the background of the Organization, it is important to emphasize that the main reason for the establishment of the Shanghai organization was the need for the united front against the strengthening of the region at the turn of centuries against dangerous trends of terrorism, extremism, separatism, the growth of organized crime. Despite the conflict of interests and the internal and external development challenges thirteen-year history of evolution of the SCO, to some extent proves its effectiveness, moreover, there are the preconditions for its consistent transition to a more comprehensive organization.

The Baltic countries - the next neighbors of Russia, whose history is closely linked with our country in the period of Kievan Rus, the Grand Duchy of Moscow, the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union, and today in a broad European context. Both Russia and the Baltic states are the states that make up the Baltic region. The role of this region in the European integration is the key. The border between Russia and the European Union, Russia and the EU are in direct contact, there is a direct interaction between the peoples of Europe, divided by confrontations of the twentieth century. In this border area sociocultural diffusion occurs between the two parts of the European continent. Factor of cooperation of neighbors is an essential guarantee of stability of the world system. For this cooperation to be productive, you must have an adequate view of the neighbors, about the processes that take place there. Knowing immediate environment in a globalized world is a prerequisite for good neighborly relations. The condition of willingness to help, if needed. In the current civilization elevated risk mutual definitely be in demand. Historical experience shows that the lack of objective knowledge is the cause of misunderstanding, and often the source of origin of enmity. This is not only of interest to neighboring nations, but the need to have certain knowledge about them, are closely linked to historical responsibility. Feature stories is that it is inextricably linked with modernity. For public decision-making needs of reliable knowledge about the processes that led to the present, the historical conditions of social psychology folding neighboring nations, forms of expression of their national characteristics. On the basis of sociological methods - from the study of documentary and literary sources, analysis of the results of mass surveys to group discussions and participant observation - analyzes the problems of mutual Russian and Baltic peoples.

The paper deals with the range of problems regarding the relation between decisions of political elite in small states and their striving for occupying a certain niche in external (foreign) political environment. The typology of such niches is proposed. The article deals with economic, military, political, and ideological dimensions of political elites' decisions in the Baltic states. The article makes the case of the following hypothesis: the exploitation of the "Russian threat" concept by political elites of the Baltic states is aimed at occupying a special niche within the Euro-Atlantic community. The narrow corridor for political maneuver imposed by strategic imperatives of NATO induces political elites of the Baltic states to attract attention of powerful states, which brings resources, finances and more prominent status. Inciting confrontation with Russia serves as a means for internal political consolidation, proving loyalty towards NATO, and contributes to individual careers of politicians with the EU institutions. The choice of 'conflict model' entails side-effects: slowdown of social and economic development in the long run. The following research inference is made: by means of conflict model which is being realized within external political niche ("gate-keeper" and "missionary" types) political elite of the Baltic states gain additional resources in the middle-term perspective. However, in the long term this political course generally reduces opportunities for political and economic development of small states. In theoretical and methodological dimension the research results confirm productivity of three-level analysis approach towards activity of political elite. The most general level of analysis deals with empire units of international relations which structure the environment for small states' elites actions. At the middle level it is possible scrutinize different varieties of external (foreign) political niches available to a certain small state. The third level of analysis deals with investigation of concrete economic, military, political and ideological decisions of political elite within a certain external (foreign) political niche.

The article discusses the attitude of the ruling elite in modern France to the school teaching of history, as the primary method of formation of political consciousness and outlook of the new generations. To achieve these purposes the complex of scientific and political methods is created. The programs are constantly changing, reflecting the general political struggle in French society, whose protagonists seek the arguments in support of their positions in history. In this context, the school programs are periodically in focus of urgent debates, and each their change is a compromise. The political approach is to form a state point of view of history, recorded in the programs required to study in schools. Those programs include a carefully selected set of topics, facts and personalities to be studied. In addition, the internal political struggle is coming not just about the form but the content too. In particular, for a number of years in the program a separate theme "Islam"is included, but not, for example, the theme "Christianity." However, supporters of the preservation of study of the Christian contribution to the history and the culture of France retain extensive relevant material included in a number of various subjects not directly devoted to Christianity. Informational approach to education is that the resources of the psyche and student's instructional time are very limited. The freedom of school teachers to refer to historical sources and even to interpret them within the broad framework is formally proclaimed. However, a program and a limited time to study it in conjunction with the responsibility of teachers for the results of their work, checked in exams, in fact does not leave them enough time to study an other point of view that goes beyond the official program.

The authors examine the structure and principles of the defense spending for research and development in the U.S., as well as the main agencies and contractors involved. The article offers specific cases to illustrate the role of key players of the U.S. budgetary process, the U.S. President, Congress, Department of Defense, and their relations with the scientific community. Spending in this area is organized as a three-level structure, which includes development of new weapons systems, creation of military platforms and systemic integration of the armed forces. One of the most noteworthy participants on the weapons development level is the Defense advanced research projects agency (DARPA), which provides support for R&D projects able to facilitate technological breakthroughs and provide results applicable by the armed forces. The emphasis of the article is on the participation of the private sector on all levels of the defense spending and especially in the systemic integration. At this level even formulating the request becomes a highly challenging task, which demands involvement of the most highly qualified specialists and organizations. The authors analyze the advantages and disadvantages of the wide participation of commercial enterprises and provide cases illustrating possible conflicts between government and private actors and ways of their resolution.

The article deals with the description and analysis of functioning of the Italian national system of economic diplomacy.The author provides an insight into the historical and economic background and conditions of its development from the earliest stages to present time focusing on the latest events (from 2010 onwards).He casts light upon the procedures and mechanisms of interaction between the key national economic-diplomatic agents i.e. ministry of foreign affairs, ministry of economic development, export-promotion agency ITA, investment-attraction agency Invitalia, other authorized bodies (in particular, the Coordination Council on the Internationalization of the Italian Economy - CRII), public and private institutes. The article outlines the main principles of the new system of foreign economic policy "Sistema Paese" which is being implemented since 2011. This concept is based upon efficient cooperation ("team play") between the chief institutes of economic diplomacy with a system approach to elaboration and realizing measures aimed at the internationalization of the Italian business. Innovative elements of "Sistema Paese" do not just imply another reorganization of the MFA, but a completely new approach to issues concerning the position of Italy on the world arena. The author looks into concrete mechanisms of economic diplomacy which basically include measures of national export promotion and assistance to Italian companies in the course of new markets penetration, as well as measures on attraction of foreign direct investment inter alia from developing countries. He mentions that subnational regions of Italy, especially Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Veneto and Sicily, tend to be more and more involved into processes of FDI attraction. Another important trend and particular feature of Italy's modern economic diplomacy is the practice of decentralization of financial management within the MFA system through providing the heads of diplomatic representations with specific competences in this area. Finally, a special emphasis is put on the tight link between instruments of "soft power" and economic diplomacy and their institutional usage, which has deep historical roots.

The article addresses the cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations, in particular the African Union in the sphere of security and settlement of conflicts. Over the last decade the role of the AU and sub regional organizations has dramatically increased. Through its agencies of ensuring peace and security the African Union is making significant contribution to strengthening stability and promotion of democracy and human rights in Africa. In the beginning of the article authors make a review of the level of security on the African continent and stress the sharpest conflict zones. According to researches one of the most turbulent regions on continent in terms of security is the North-East Africa. Continuing quarter-century war in Somalia, conflict relations between Somalia and Ethiopia, the border crises between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which in the late 20th century turned into the war between the two countries, finally, the number of armed clashes in Sudan attracted the special attention to the region of the entire world community. Authors pay the main attention to the cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union in the sphere of settling regional conflicts and holding peacekeeping operations. In the article the main mechanisms and methods that are used by the United Nations and the African Union to hold peacekeeping operations are analyzed in details. The situation in Somalia and efforts of the United Nations and the African Union that are making towards stabilization in this country are also studied. Authors reveal the basic elements and make a review of the mixed multicomponent peacekeeping operation of the United Nations and the African Union in Sudan. In the conclusion authors stress the measures that could strengthen the strategic cooperation between the United Nations and the African union. According to the authors the most important task is to solve problems of financing joint peacekeeping operations quickly and effectively.

Permanent self-reproduction of crises or getting into so called development traps in underdeveloped countries constitutes one of the most significant world problems. An explanatory hypothesisis that antagonistic relationship between formal and informal institutions makes it impossible to overcome path dependence. The problem is illustrated by the case of Rwanda, which, despite the large-scale foreign aid in the 1960s-early 1990s, failed to resolve the growing socio-political contradictions that eventually led to the 1994 genocide. However, since the 2000s Rwanda has been demonstrating an upward trend especially in governance and control of corruption. In the author's view, success in the post-genocidal period was determined by two factors: first, by the institutional vacuum created by the collapse of competitive rules and practices of the President Habyarimana era; second, by the effective leadership shown by the ruling elite support of informal practices to overcome the crisis. Between the possible reform options the choice was made in favor of formalization of autochthonous practices, introduction of traditional or restored (filled with a new meaning) institutions into the legal sphere, and creation of new rules. Rwanda is therefore an example of successful institutional transformation.

The article analyses military and technical cooperation of the United States and APAC. After the successful implementation of the first phase of the European Phased Adaptive Approach (EPAA), adopted in September 2009, the United States began to develop a similar plan for the Asia-Pacific region - Asia-Pacific Adaptive Approach. The ultimate goal of such large-scale missile defense deployment is to convince the adversaries that the use of ballistic missiles is useless in military terms and that any attack on the United States and its allies is doomed to failure. The United States are developing military cooperation with its allies and partner countries in the Asia-Pacific region, excluding interests of China and Russia. That may only exacerbate a struggle for power between the three world largest countries and lead to negative consequences - involvement in the arms race.

In 2014 the newly elected Indonesian president Joko Widodo declared his doctrine “In- donesia – World Maritime Fulcrum”. His intention is to transform Indonesia which connects two great oceans – Indian and Pacific – into a strategic logistic and trade world hub as well as the main supplier of sea products for the world market. Indonesian government plans to build 35 deepwater and ordinary ports across the archipelago during the next five years. The implementation of the project demands colossal money investments and gigantic volumes of work. Indonesia cannot do it alone, the country needs foreign investors and constructors. A number of Asian and Europe countries expressed their intentions to cooperate with Indonesia in the maritime sector. But the most interested turned out to be China which expressed its ardent desire to cooperate with Indonesia in the sector of maritime industry. And it is quite understandable taking into consideration that China worked out its own project “Maritime Silk Road” which comprises the same sea territory as Indonesia’s “Maritime Fulcrum” project. Chinese leaders invited Indonesia to closely cooperate in implementing these two projects which are mutually coinciding and complementary. Indonesian leaders gladly accepted this invitation hoping to gain a lot from cooperation with China. Chinese “Maritime Silk Road” project will contribute to the development of inter-island communicativity which is strongly needed especially in the eastern part of Indonesian archipelago. In addition China agreed to participate in building and reconstructing Indonesian ports. Some Indonesian observers greet close cooperation with China as a very profitable business opportunity but others express apprehensions that too close cooperation with China could be dangerous for Indonesian sovereignty over its territorial waters.