RESEARCH ARTICLES
The article is devoted to the successes and failures of Russian foreign policy during the reign of Nicholas I. The key sources of the research are memoires of people who were in close attendance on the Emperor, foreign diplomats, travelers and members of European royal families. They noted some traits of his personality, political views, commitment to order and military service. They left valuable remembrance about all important foreign-policy cases the Russian Emperor was involved in: Russo-Turkish War (1828–1829), contacts with the Balkan states, Eastern Question within the framework of the Russian role in the course of events of the Egyptian–Ottoman War (1832–1833); hostility against French Revolutions and contacts with the allied Prussia and the Austrian Empire. These reminiscences make it possible to discover the attitude of Nicolas I to the European revolutions in the first half of XIX-th and illegitimate monarchs in Europe. They let us track the way the foreign policy influenced the Russian inner policy. The sources are very informative to explain the different steps of Russian foreign policy in the most important points – in the Middle East, in Europe and in Turkey.
Using primary sources in Russian and British historiography, the author analyzes the evolution of public thought in Great Britain in the second half of the 19th century, its turn from individualism and principle of “night-watchman state” to a more socially-oriented position. This transformation, which occurred under the influence of both evident and hidden factors, was one of the key prerequisites for formation in the seventh decade of the 19th century of the New Toryism and “social liberalism” doctrines, the framework of which was used by the British government to chart a course for systematic social reforms in the areas of health care, elementary education, residential development and labor law. By analyzing the views of J. Bentham, J.S. Mill and T.H. Green, as well as literary works of the period in question, the author traces the process of alienation of the “laissez-faire” policy (the classical principle of state non-interference in economy) by a certain part of the British society and the readiness to reassess the role of the state in the social sphere. The article presents in detail the search for philosophical, social and socialistic thought, aimed at solving the deepest social problems and predicating, in many aspects, the cycle of social reforms carried out by the Disraeli and Gladstone cabinets under the auspices of the state in the middle of the late Victorian period. The author points out that the social policy of the prime ministers W. Gladstone in 1868-1874 and B. Disraeli in 1874-1800 was historically the first precedent when the liberal doctrine which took the shape of the so-called Manchester liberalism in Great Britain had to recognize the principles of social state, economic regulation and a stronger role of the state in the British society. The author notes that the foundations of most of the social reforms that are now perceived as integral components of a modern democratic society were laid precisely in this historical period. Thanks to the flexibility of the English establishment, that was able to assess the strength of public opinion and to offer social doctrines aimed at meeting the growing social demands, the British government demonstrated the art of subtle political maneuver and the possibility of a bloodless way of carrying out social reforms.
The proposed article focuses on the change in the approach of the regional organization of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Russia’s role in the Middle East region and the efforts of its members to establish fruitful cooperation with it. A new approach followed the events of the “Arab Spring”, among which the outcome was a complication of the regional situation and the emergence of a series of crises that forced the members of the GCC to expand the number of allies among the world’s leading powers. Russia’s active participation in resolving crisis situations in the Middle East, primarily in Syria, influenced the change in the GCC policy towards Russia, which realized its increased interest in establishing strong ties with the countries of this region. The article compares the relations that existed between Russia and the GCC states in the Soviet period and the initial period of the Russian Federation’s existence, and those relations that began to develop after 2011 amid growing instability in the Middle East region. A new stage in bilateral relations was caused by the coincidence of their interests in the fight against the increased terrorist threat. The parties were also interested in conducting political consultations to resolve regional crisis situations. The coincidence of points of view between Russia and the GCC on the Middle East settlement has always been a reliable basis for building mutual understanding between the parties. At the same time, the contradictions that arose between them on the issue of ways out of the Syrian crisis led to a cooling in their relations. The authors conclude that the place of Russia in the foreign policy priorities of the GCC is going to grow. The mutual interest of the parties in political interaction is reinforced by the need to coordinate policy in the energy market, the largest suppliers of which are both Russia and the GCC states. In addition, both sides are striving to expand economic and militarytechnical cooperation, which will create a favorable situation for establishing relations in the political sphere.
This article is an attempt to formulate a non-standard multifactor approach to the problem of consolidating Russia’s presence in the countries of the Middle East. It explores the possibility of creating in the Arab countries a system of educational courses related to innovation. These courses will make it possible for young people in the region to form an attitude towards our country as one of the leaders in the high-tech economy, to strengthen their loyalty to representatives of domestic business. In the future, the ecosystem of innovations can be formed as a result of educational efforts. That is going to allow Russian business circles to take part in the commercialization of new technologies created by innovators of the region. Russia’s innovative presence in the Middle East region can be embodied in the form of joint ventures, the outsourcing of a number of industries and the provision of technological services as well as joint applied scientific research. Such efforts will bring changes in the existing international division of labor by creating more favorable conditions for the development of the economy of the Russian Federation and its transition to the economy of innovation. Moreover, the article draws attention to the possibility of cooperation between Russia and Israel for the organization of a platform for effective interaction between representatives of innovative communities of Muslim countries of the Middle East and participants of the high technology market of the Jewish state. The article shows that the implementation of such a strategy will allow our country to become meaningful player in the process of economic and socio-political transformation of the region. The promotion of innovative business in the region should be part of a wider strategy for promoting a positive image of Russia, creating economic grounds for existing political and military-political ties with the countries of the Middle East.
The article addresses the problem of self-determination of the Kurdish ethnos in Syria. Kurds are an indigenous people in this territory and for a long time lived within a single space within the Ottoman Empire. The artificial division of the Middle East into states in the interests of European powers led to ignoring the interests and rights of the Kurdish ethnos. Self-organization of Kurds in Syria occurred gradually and mainly under the influence of external factors. The first one was the political activity of Kurds in neighboring countries, the second – the assimilation efforts of the Syrian authorities. Although the Kurdish population, basically, retained its identity, half a century of assimilation policy led to the erosion of the Kurdish ethnic enclaves in the north of the country. Moreover, self-organization and political mobilization of Kurds in Syria began to be accompanied by disagreements and splits of the main political forces. Kurdish political parties sought to act as a “third force” in the course of the civil war in Syria. However, disagreements prevented this, as well as certain pressure from Western countries, which pushed the Syrian Kurds to support the moderate opposition. The power vacuum in the north of Syria was able to fill the center-left party “Democratic Union”. This political force is in contact with the official Syrian authorities and, at the same time, receives US support. Created by the efforts of the “Democratic Union” the Kurdish autonomy in the north of the country provides stability in territories with the Kurdish and mixed populations, and also performs socio-economic functions. This makes the Kurdish autonomy an important element of negotiations about the future political structure of Syria.
The article examines the current state of and prospects for cooperation of the Russian-Bahraini relationship in the context of the formation of a regional security system. The author analyzes the bilateral agenda between Moscow and Manama in the broad context of the legacy of the USSR in the region, the wide-ranging course of the Russian Federation towards the Middle East in general and the states of the Persian Gulf in particular. Also, the study takes into account the factor of other extra-regional presence in this subsystem, special attention in this context is paid to the role of the United States. As a result of the analysis, the author formulated his own characteristic of the general trends of Russian policy towards the countries of the Persian Gulf. At the same time, relations with Bahrain were considered in the framework of several “baskets” - the most relevant problems for both states, whose influence could be extrapolated from the bilateral agenda to regional and subregional security issues. To such “baskets” the author included problems: Arab-Persian contradictions, terrorism and extremism, Shia-Sunni confrontation, interstate relations in the format of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf. The subject of the study was concentrated on the compatibility of Russian and Bahraini positions on these issues in the context of the formation of a regional security system.
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