The SARS-CoV-2 virus, which caused a pandemic in 2020, has posed not only a medical, economic and social threat, but also a challenge to international security and international cooperation. It is now becoming obvious that the problem of the current pandemic cannot be reduced to individual states and regions and has the potential to influence the entire political organization of the modern world. Analyzing the role of the COVID-19 pandemic in world politics, the authors rely on the concept of transformations in the system of the world political organization, as well as the concept of global governance and megatrends of world politics, the key of which is globalization. The authors of the article consider the experience of individual global and regional associations, which are considered to be the elements of global governance, whose functions, among the other, include responding to challenges of a biogenic nature, identifying several important trends, among which are the intensification of previously emerging trends, the strengthening of isolationism, the growing political fragmentation of the world, destructive influence of “coronacrisis” on globalization, but with parallel sectoral polarization in global economy, a new balancing between cooperation and competition in international relations. At the same time, it is argued that there is no alternative to international cooperation in solving problems of a global nature, which can hardly indicate the end of globalization and the triumph of disintegration and de-democratization. The authors argue about the heightened need to reform global governance, since the efforts of individual international associations cannot lead to solving global challenges, and the national-centrist approach to solving global problems proves its inefficiency and irresponsibility. As a result, we are talking about the lack of alternative to the idea of forming a system of global governance, which should be based on cooperation and interaction of states, international organizations and institutions, as well as business structures and academic communities, in other words, rely on multilateral and multilevel approach. The authors are convinced of the need to develop a project of an “ideal future” taking into account the identified trends in the transformation of the political organization of the world and the effects of megatrends, which implies the further development of scientific research and discussions, as well as a series of international negotiating forums on the future structure of the world and the corresponding pattern of global governance.

The COVID-19 pandemic has led to an increased interest in studying social stigma. The concept of stigma is also included in political discourse, as evidenced, among other things, by Xi Jinping’s speeches, in which the Chinese President urges to abandon further politicization and stigmatization of COVID-19. In this regard, the main aim of the article is to analyze the correlation between the novel coronavirus and stigmatization, not only from the traditional point of view (stigma associated with certain diseases), but also in terms of world politics. To explain the nature of social stigma, the author relies on evolutionary psychol- ogy, terror management theory and social identity theory. To analyze ongoing processes in international relations, some provisions of “rogue states” concept, leadership theories, and biopolitics are applied. The primary sources are documents of the World Health Organiza- tion (WHO) and the Group of Seven (G7), statements by UN and WHO officials, speeches of Chinese President Xi Jinping and US President Donald Trump, public opinion polls, and media publications. During the course of the study, the following scientific results were ob- tained: the works on COVID-19-related stigma have been systematized, the issues consid- ered in them and research gaps are highlighted; the consequences of stigma due the novel coronavirus have been summarized; some differences between stigma during the pandem- ic and stigma associated with other diseases are also identified; it is suggested to consider COVID-19 stigma not only at the level of interpersonal interactions, but also in international relations; the possible impact of the pandemic on the China’s role on the world stage has been revealed. It is concluded that this research approach allows to take a fresh look at the possibility of restoring ties between states and their citizens in a post-COVID-19 world, as well as to assess the likelihood of a change of global leader. In the final part of the article, possible ways of further development of the situation are predicted and prospects for study on the issue are outlined.

As the coronavirus pandemic continues to spread, the degree of its negative im- pact on the development of economic systems throughout the world economy increases. At the same time, the issues of the future world order and the restoration of the global econ- omy are becoming more and more uncertain. The purpose of our study was to review the conceptual and practical approaches to substantiating the possibilities of postcrisis recov- ery of the global economy in the context of the continuing negative impact of the pandemic on international trade, capital flows and the development of the world financial system. The article reviews the materials of international economic organizations to assess the longterm economic consequences of the pandemic. The analysis shows that the main problem in as- sessing the possibilities for the recovery of the world economy is the existing heterogeneity in the degree of the pandemic's impact on individual sectors and economies of countries, as well as the differentiation and inconsistency of the applied economic policy instruments. In addition, it was found that the world retains a high potential for financial instability, and “vaccine nationalism” is getting worse. The main contradiction is the transboundary nature of the challenges to further economic development with a significant slowdown in global- ization pro-cesses. The author considers the current pandemic to be one of the new global problems of the world economy, since its recovery in the current conditions is of an indefi- nite spasmodic nature, and there are also risks of a permanent slowdown in economic mo- bility. The solution to the key problem of economic growth - increasing productivity - is pos- sible only with a clear understanding and planning of progress with inclusive vaccination, which is so far elusive. Although shortterm economic policy is a priority for governments, a wellcoordinated international agenda is needed at the global level to ensure the transition from income support to stimulating economic growth, as well as to overcome the existing structural imbalances and distortions in the system of economic relations between coun- tries.

Promotion of domestic companies interests abroad is the main task of economic diplomacy. Promotion of domestic goods and services in foreign markets ensures the coun- try's stable position in the world economy and economic stability within the state. Following economic boost, world trade and especially export growth may ensure not only country's economy growth, but also citizens welfare through mechanisms for reallocating funds. Value-added exports development in Russia has been brought to the rank of one of the key government goals. Russia has an export promotion institutions system. Some institu- tions have long history. Others have been created recently and based on foreign practices. The Russian government has developed the national project "International cooperation and export", it sets the goal to ensure export growth through effective interaction of existing institutions. The article reviews the foreign and domestic practices of export support through financial and non-financial instruments. They include market analysis tools, exhibition support, popu- larizing exports within the country, various export credit and insurance instruments pro- tecting the exporter from political risks in foreign markets. Author analyzes the legislative framework of key support measures and possible ways to improve efficiency by eliminating duplication in various institutions functions. It should provide a synergistic effect boosting their efficiency. The methodology of the study is based on a comprehensive analysis of the modern export promotion institutions system in Russia and abroad, a regulatory analysis of fundamental documents and a comparative analysis of export support measures. The extensive research subject has provided the usage of an interdisciplinary approach covering economic and po- litical research.

Nowadays science diplomacy tends to be one of most relevant and important fields of applied research in International Relations. In general, it can be regarded as a functional expression of both foreign and science policy conducted by states and non-state actors on the world arena. The emergence of the modern concept of science diplomacy has been taking place since the second half of the 2000s and is basically linked to a close intertwining of research and diplomatic practices. Still, most of the existing research works in the above area both in Russia and abroad can be described as somewhat fragmentary and focusing on specific case studies without providing a holistic picture of national science diplomacy models, including the Russian one. Considering this, the author of the article casts light upon the key features of the Russian science diplomacy complex based on a systematic approach and looks into its three main elements, i.e. "science in diplomacy", "diplomacy for science" and "science for diplomacy". In this context, he analyses the activity of the Russian science diplomacy main stakeholders in positive (how it is) and normative (how it should or could be) terms. The synthesis of the respective results reveals structural drawbacks of the system in question, which in 2020 have become even more acute than they used to be before. However, the outlined trends and tendencies infer that the ongoing pandemic did hardly bring on new problems, but can rather be seen as a catalyst for processes, which have already been witnessed in this field. Working from these premises, the author formulates a number of concrete and applicable policy recommendations aimed at optimizing the current practices, which might potentially be of use for decision-makers in Russian science and foreign affairs.

The article analyzes the transformation of the UAE policy towards Israel. Special at- tention is paid to the development of the country’s foreign policy priorities amid consolida- tion of the federal state. Strengthening relations with the Arab states during the first decades of the UAE history, participation in the Arab League, which consolidated the states of the Arab world, support of its opposition to Israel were the factors determining the anti-Israeli policy of the Emirates. The official position of the UAE was formulated under the influence of pan-Arab rhetoric and in no way differed from the position reflected in the documents of the Arab League summits. The peace process around the Arab-Israeli conflict launched since the 1991 in the framework of the Madrid Peace Conference did not result in the establish- ment of contacts between the UAE and Israel. The adjustment of Emirates’ foreign policy began after the aggravation in the Middle East, when countries such as Syria, Yemen and Libya were engulfed in conflicts. During this period, the Arab-Israeli conflict gradually lost its central role for the Arab world; the states of the Persian Gulf began to establish contacts with Israel, united by common fears about the strengthening Iran. The article discussed the path of stabilization between the United Arab Emirates and Israel including the role of their informal ties. The normalization between the UAE and Israel, outlined in August 2020 with the active participation of the United States, gave impetus to the establishment of relations between the two countries in various areas of mutual interest. The article traces the connec- tion between the specific areas of cooperation with Israel and those which were set byа Abu Dhabi as the key priorities of its national strategic development.

Review of the book by Butorina O.V. 2020. History of the Euro. Moscow: zdatel’stvo “VesMir” . 576 р.

Book review: Wolfe A. 2018. Freedom’s Laboratory: The Cold War Struggle for the Soul of Sci- ence. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. 312 p. ISBN: 9781421426730